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Psychometrics - Методы количественной оценки психических явлений

Задание No 1 - Questions 1-13

You are advised to spend about 20 minutes on Questions 1-13:

  1. Psychometrics involves psychological and educational assessment of the subject by way of measuring attitudes, personality, abilities and knowledge. The field has two primary focuses; the creation of measurement instruments and procedures and development and enhancement of existing methodology employed.

  2. The concept of psychometric testing, introduced long before the establishment of IQ testing and other current methodologies, was first explored by Francis Galton who developed the first testing procedures supposedly related to intelligence; however, his measurement tools were in fact based upon physical and physiological benchmarks rather than testing of the mind itself. Measurements included the physical power, height and weight of subjects which were recorded and results used to estimate the intelligence of subjects. While the approach was not successful, the studies conducted by Galton were to influence the work of future researchers. Approaches to measurement of intelligence, which is defined as the mind’s relative ability to reason, think, conceptually plan, solve problems, understand and learn, were later developed by pioneers such as Charles Spearman. Significant contributions to its early development were also made by Wilhelm Wundt, L.L. Thurstone, Ernst Heinrich Weber and Gustav Fechner.

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  4. The most well known traditional approach to development of psychometric instruments to measure intelligence is the Stanford-Binet IQ test, originally developed by French psychologist Alfred Binet. Researchers define intelligence as separate to other attributes such as personality, character, creativity and even knowledge and wisdom for the purpose of their assessment. Intelligence testing methods are not intended to determine a level of genetic intelligence separate from and unaffected by the environment to which the individual has been exposed to in life; rather to measure the intelligence of an individual apparent as a result of both nature and nurture. Psychometrics is today a useful and widely used tool used for measurement of abilities in academic areas such as reading, writing and mathematics.

  5. IQ tests are commonly used to test intelligence, though some believe that this testing is unfair and not truly representative of the subject’s intellect as individuals may excel in different areas of reasoning. Psychologist Howard Gardner, working on this assumption, introduced the concept of an individual cognitive profile in 1983 in his book Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences. He holds that one child may perform excellently in one aspect, yet fail in another and that their overall performance in a number of intellectual areas should be considered. Gardner first identified seven different types of intelligence, these being; linguistic, logical-mathematical, spatial, bodily-kinesthetic, musical, interpersonal and intrapersonal. In 1999 after further research he added an 8th element to the equation; naturalistic intelligence, and at the time of writing is investigating the possibility of a 9th; this being existential intelligence.

  6. The first intelligence as defined by Gardner in the Theory of Multiple Intelligences, linguistic intelligence, relates to an individual’s ability to process and communicate written and spoken words. Such people are said to excel at reading, writing, story-telling, learning a foreign language and the memorising of words and dates. The logical-mathematical category is related to a person’s ability to reason logically, think scientifically, make deductions and perform well in mathematic calculations. Spatial intelligence is related to vision and spatial judgement; such individuals have been observed to have a strong visual memory and the potential to excel in artistic subjects. Those exhibiting a leaning towards the third classification, bodily-kinesthetic intelligence, often learn best by physically practising an action rather than by reading or seeing.

  7. Musical intelligence, as the name suggests, relates to ability in defining differences in rhythm and tones; individuals possessing musical intelligence are often able to sing, play musical instruments and compose music to a high standard. Since a high level of audio-related ability exists, many in this category are said to learn well in a lecture situation where they are required to listen attentively to information. Interpersonal intelligence relates to an individual’s ability to communicate and empathise with others; typically extrovert, they learn well through discussion, debate and interaction with others. The last of the 7 original categories identified by Gardner, intrapersonal intelligence, fits the opposite description of interpersonal intelligence; such individuals working best independently. According to Gardner they are capable of high levels of self reflection and are often perfectionists.

  8. A number of psychometric experts, however, oppose Gardner’s views and have reservations about the validity of his theories. Firstly, some detractors disagree with the overall definition of intelligence used in Gardner’s theory. They hold that, in fact, some categories such as interpersonal or intrapersonal intelligence relate more to personality that cognitive performance. The more recently identified naturalistic intelligence, which relates to an affinity to the natural world and an ability to nurture and cultivate, has been dismissed completely by many as no more than a hobby. Doubts have been raised that others, such as musical intelligence, are in reality talents. A final criticism attached to the theory is that some believe that the intelligences cannot be treated as separate entities as some individuals may perform equally well in what could be considered diverse areas; linguistic and logical-mathematical for example. Gardner however maintains that his theories are sound, since an identifiable and separate part of the brain is responsible for controlling aspects related to each of the different types of intelligence.

  9. Despite the criticism received from some of his contemporaries, Gardner’s theories are well respected and often applied in the world of education as a tool for identifying children’s differing abilities and potential career paths. For instance, those showing linguistic capabilities are said to be ideal in roles including writing, politics and teaching; logical mathematical thinkers suited to careers in science, mathematics, law, medicine and philosophy. Those exhibiting spatial intelligence are said to be suited to a career such as art, engineering or architecture; while individuals with a leaning towards bodily-kinesthetic intelligence may excel in areas such as athletics, dancing or craft-making. Strengths in the area of musical intelligence are said to often lead to success as a singer, conductor or musician. Those displaying strong interpersonal skills have been recognised as often making effective politicians, managers, diplomats and social workers; while those showing a dominant intrapersonal intelligence are said to be better suited to professions involving more self reflection and lower levels of interaction with the outside world such as writing, philosophy or theology.

Задание No 2 - Questions 27-31

You are advised to spend about 6 minutes on Questions 27-31. Reading Passage 3 has eight paragraphs A-H. Which paragraph contains the following information? Write the correct letter A-H in boxes 27-31 on your answer sheet. You may use any letter more than once.

  1. Physiological evidence from Gardner that his intelligence theories are sound ...
  2. Aims of intelligence testing ...
  3. Initial failure in successful measurement ...
  4. How high level social skills are linked and classified as interpersonal intelligence ...
  5. Differences in opinions on what constitutes talent or intelligence ...

Задание No 3 - Questions 32-37

You are advised to spend about 7 minutes on Questions 32-37. Do the following statements agree with the information given in reading passage 3?

In boxes 32-37 on your answer sheet write T if the statement is True
Write F if the statement is False
Write N if the statement is Not Given

  1. Early studies into intelligence were misguided and have had no impact on today's methods.
  2. True / False / Not Given

  3. Research into I.Q. is designed to determine the level of intelligence an individual is born with.
  4. True / False / Not Given

  5. Howard Gardner has confirmed 9 different types of intelligence.
  6. True / False / Not Given

  7. Spatial intelligence has been linked to creativity.
  8. True / False / Not Given

  9. An individual may demonstrate high levels of intelligence in contradictory areas.
  10. True / False / Not Given

  11. Those demonstrating intrapersonal intelligence always make bad managers.
  12. True / False / Not Given

Задание No 4 - Questions 38-40

You are advised to spend about 7 minutes on Questions 38-40. Refer to the text and decide which of the answers best completes the following sentences. Write your answers in boxes 38-40 on your Answer Sheet.

  1. Some believe that IQ tests do not correctly estimate an individual's intelligence because:
  2. a) the tests are based on physical and physiological benchmarks
    b) some people may perform badly on the day of the test
    c) while people may have weaknesses in one area they may have strengths in others
    d) the tests do not accurately assess the person's ability to reason, think and solve problems

  3. The intelligence, as classified by Gardner, relating to an ability to memorise items seen is:
  4. a) linguistic intelligence
    b) logico-mathematical intelligence
    c) spatial intelligence
    d) bodily-kinesthetic intelligence

  5. The harshest criticism of Gardner's theory has been focussed towards:
  6. a) interpersonal intelligence
    b) intrapersonal intelligence
    c) musical intelligence
    d) naturalistic intelligence

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Chapter 4: Anxiety and Hostility

When discussing the difference between fear and anxiety we found as our first result that anxiety is a fear, which essentially involves a subjective factor. What then is the nature of this subjective factor?

Let us start by describing the experience an individual undergoes during anxiety. He has the feeling of a powerful, inescapable danger against which he himself is entirely helpless. Whatever the manifestations of anxiety, whether it be a hypochondriac fear of cancer, anxiety concerning thunderstorms, a phobia about high places, or any comparable fear, the two factors of an overpowering danger and defenselessness against it are invariably present. Sometimes the dangerous force against which he feels helpless may be felt to come from outside - thunderstorms, cancer, accidents and the like; sometimes the danger is felt to threaten him from his own ungovernable impulses - fear of having to jump down from a high place, or to cut someone with a knife; sometimes the danger is entirely vague and intangible, as it often is in an anxiety attack.

Such feelings in themselves, however, are not characteristic only of anxiety; they may be exactly the same in any situation which involves a factual overpowering danger and a factual helplessness toward it. I imagine that the subjective experience of persons during an earthquake, or of an infant under two years of age exposed to brutalities, is in no way different from the subjective experience of one who has anxiety concerning thunderstorms. In the case of fear the danger is present in reality and the feeling of helplessness is conditioned by reality, and in the case of anxiety the danger is generated or magnified by intrapsychic factors and the helplessness is conditioned by one's own attitude.

The question concerning the subjective factor in anxiety is thus reduced to the more specific inquiry: what are the psychic conditions that create the feeling of an imminent powerful danger and an attitude of helplessness toward it? This at any rate is the question that the psychologist has to raise. That chemical conditions in the body can also create the feeling and the physical concomitants of anxiety is as little a psychological problem as the fact that chemical conditions can produce elation or sleep.

In tackling this problem of anxiety Freud has, as so often in other problems, shown us the direction in which to move. He has done this by his crucial discovery that the subjective factor involved in anxiety lies in our own instinctual drives; in other words, both the danger anticipated by anxiety and the feeling of helplessness toward it are conjured by the explosive force of our own impulses. I shall discuss Freud's views in more detail at the end of this chapter, and shall also point out in what way my conclusions differ from his.

In principle, any impulse has the potential power to provoke anxiety, provided that its discovery or pursuit would mean a violation of other vital interests or needs, and provided that it is sufficiently imperative or passionate. In periods when there are definite and severe sexual taboos, like the Victorian era, yielding to sexual impulses has often meant incurring a realistic danger. An unmarried girl, for example, had to face a real danger of tortured conscience or social disgrace, and those yielding to masturbating urges had to face a real danger in so far as they were subject to threats of castration or warnings of fatal physical injuries or mental diseases. The same holds true today for certain perverted sex impulses, such as exhibitionistic drives or impulses directed toward children. In our times, however, as far as "normal" sex impulses are concerned, our attitude has become so lenient that admitting them to ourselves, or carrying them out in reality, involves serious danger much less frequently; hence there is less factual reason for apprehension on that score.

The change in the cultural attitude toward sex may be greatly responsible for the fact that, according to my experience, sexual impulses as such are only in exceptional cases found to be the dynamic force behind anxiety. This statement may seem exaggerated, because no doubt on the surface anxiety does seem to be linked with sexual desires. Neurotic persons are often found to have anxiety in connection with sexual intercourse, or to have inhibitions on that score as a consequence of anxiety. Closer analysis shows, however, that the basis of anxiety usually lies not in the sex impulses as such but in hostile impulses coupled with them, such as the impulse to hurt or humiliate the partner through intercourse.

In fact, hostile impulses of various kinds form the main source from which neurotic anxiety springs. I am afraid lest this new statement should sound again like an unjustified generalization from what may be true for some cases. But these cases, in which one can find a direct connection between the hostility and the anxiety it promotes, are not the only basis for my statement. It is well known that an acute hostile impulse may be the direct cause of anxiety, if its pursuit would mean defeating the purposes of the self. One example may serve for many. F. goes on a hiking trip through the mountains with a girl, Mary, to whom he is deeply devoted. Nevertheless, he feels acutely and savagely infuriated against her because his jealousy has somehow been aroused. When walking with her on a precipitous mountain path he gets a severe attack of anxiety, with heavy breathing and heart-pounding, because of a conscious impulse to push the girl over the edge of the path. The structure of anxieties like these is the same as indicated in anxieties from sexual sources: an imperative impulse, which, if yielded to, would mean a catastrophe for the self.

In the great majority of persons, however, a direct causal connection between hostility and neurotic anxiety is far from evident. In order, then, to make it clear why I declare that in the neuroses of our time hostile impulses are the main psychological force promoting anxiety, it is necessary to examine now in some detail the psychological consequences which result from a repression of hostility.

Repressing a hostility means "pretending" that everything is all right and thus refraining from fighting when we ought to fight, or at least when we wish to fight. Hence, the first unavoidable consequence of such a repression is that it generates a feeling of defenselessness, or to be more exact, it reinforces an already given feeling of defenselessness. If hostility is repressed when a person's interests are factually attacked it becomes possible for others to take advantage of him.

The experience of a chemist, C., represents an everyday occurrence of this kind. C. had what was regarded as nervous exhaustion as a consequence of too much work. He was unusually gifted and very ambitious, without knowing that he was. For reasons we shall leave aside, he had repressed his ambitious strivings and hence appeared modest. When he entered the laboratory of a great chemical firm another member of the staff, G., a little older in years and higher in rank than C., look him under his wing and showed every sign of friendliness. Because of a series of personal factors - dependence on others' affection, previous intimidation concerning critical observation, not recognizing his own ambition and hence not seeing it in others - C. was happy to accept the friendliness and failed to observe that in reality G. cared for nothing but his own career. And it struck him but dimly that on one occasion G. reported as his own an idea which was relevant for a possible invention but which was really C.'s idea, one that he had formerly expressed to G. in a friendly conversation. For the flicker of a moment C. was distrustful, but because his own ambition factually stirred up an enormous hostility in him, he immediately repressed not only this hostility but with it also the warranted criticism and distrust. Hence, he remained convinced that G. was his best friend. Consequently, when G. discouraged him about continuing a certain line of work he took the advice at face value. When G. produced an invention that C. might have made, C. merely felt that G.'s gifts and intelligence were far superior to his own. He felt happy to have such an admirable friend. Thus by having repressed his distrust and his anger C. failed to notice that in crucial questions G. was his enemy rather than his friend. Because he clung to the illusion that he was liked, C. relinquished his preparedness to fight for his own interests. He did not even realize that a vital interest of his own was attacked, and consequently could not fight for it, but allowed the other to take advantage of his weakness.

The fears which repression serves to overcome may also be overcome by keeping the hostility under conscious control. But whether one controls or represses hostility is not a matter of choice, because repression is a reflex-like process. It occurs if in a particular situation it is unbearable to be aware that one is hostile. In such a case, of course, there is no possibility of conscious control. The main reasons why awareness of hostility may be unbearable are that one may love or need a person at the same time that one is hostile toward him, that one may not want to see the reasons, such as envy or possessiveness, which have promoted the hostility, or that it may be frightening to recognize within one's self hostility toward anyone. In such circumstances, repression is the shortest and quickest way toward an immediate reassurance. By repression, the frightening hostility disappears from awareness, or is kept from entering awareness. I should like to repeat this sentence in other words, because for all its simplicity it is one of those psychoanalytic statements, which is but rarely understood: if hostility is repressed the person has not the remotest idea that he is hostile.

The quickest way toward a reassurance, however, is not necessarily the safest way in the long run. By the process of repression the hostility - or to indicate its dynamic character we had better use here the term rage - is removed from conscious awareness but is not abolished. Split off from the context of the individual's personality, and hence beyond control, it revolves within him as an affect, which is highly explosive and eruptive, and therefore tends to be discharged. The explosiveness of the repressed affect is all the greater because by its very isolation it assumes larger and often fantastic dimensions.

As long as one is aware of animosity, its expansion is restricted in three ways. First, consideration of the circumstances as they are in a given situation shows him what he can and what he cannot do toward an enemy or alleged enemy. Second, if the anger concerns one whom he otherwise admires or likes or needs, the anger will sooner or later become integrated into the totality of his feelings. Finally, inasmuch as man has developed a certain sense of what is appropriate to do or not to do, personality being as it is, and this too will restrict his hostile impulses.

If the anger is repressed, then access to these restricting possibilities is cut off, with the result that the hostile impulses trespass the restrictions from inside and outside, though only in fantasy. If the chemist I mentioned had followed his impulses he would have wanted to tell others how G. had abused his friendship, or to intimate to his superior that G. had stolen his idea or kept him from pursuing it. Since his anger was repressed it became dissociated and expanded, as would probably have shown in his dreams; it is likely that it his dreams he committed murder in some symbolic form, or became an admired genius, while others went disgracefully to pieces.

By its very dissociation the repressed hostility, will in the course of time usually become intensified from outside sources. For instance, if a high employee has developed an anger toward his chief, because the chief has made arrangements without discussing them with him, and if the employee represses his anger, never remonstrating against the procedure, the superior will certainly keep on acting over his head. Thereby new anger is constantly generated.

Another consequence of repressing hostility arises from the fact that a person registers within himself the existence of a highly explosive affect, which is beyond control. Before discussing the consequences of this, we have to consider a question that it suggests. By definition, the result of repressing an affect or an impulse is that the individual is no longer aware of its existence, so that in his conscious mind he does not know that he has any hostile feelings toward another. How then can I say that he "registers" the existence of the repressed affect within himself? The answer lies in the fact that there is no strict alternative between conscious and unconscious, but that there are, as H. S. Sullivan has pointed out in a lecture, several levels of consciousness. Not only is the repressed impulse still effective - one of the basic discoveries of Freud - but also in a deeper level of consciousness the individual knows about its presence. Reduced to the most simple terms possible this means that fundamentally we cannot fool ourselves, that actually we observe ourselves better than we are aware of doing, just as we usually observe others better than we are aware of doing - as shown, for example, in the correctness of the first impression we get from a person - but we may have stringent reasons for not taking cognizance of our observations. For the sake of saving repetitive explanations I shall use the term "register" when I mean that we know what is going on within us without our being aware of it.

These consequences of repressing hostility may themselves be sufficient to create anxiety, provided always that the hostility and its potential danger to other interests are sufficiently great. States of vague anxiety may be built in this way. More often, however, the process does not come to a standstill at this point, because there is an imperative need to get rid of the dangerous affect which from within menaces one's interest and security. A second reflex-like process sets in: the individual "projects" his hostile impulses to the outside world. The first "pretense," the repression, requires a second one: he "pretends" that the destructive impulses come not from him but from someone or something outside. Logically the person on whom his own hostile impulses will be projected is the person against whom they are directed. The result is that this person now assumes formidable proportions in his mind, partly because such a person becomes endowed with the same quality of ruthlessness that his own repressed impulses have, partly because in any danger the degree of potency depends not only on the factual conditions but also on the attitude taken toward them. The more defenseless one is the greater the danger appears.

As a by-function the projection also serves the need for self-justification. It is not the individual himself who wants to cheat, to steal, to exploit, to humiliate, but the others want to do such things to him. A wife who is ignorant of her own impulses to ruin her husband and subjectively convinced that she is most devoted may, because of this mechanism, consider her husband to be a brute wanting to harm her.

The process of projection may or may not be supported by another process working to the same end: a retaliation fear may get hold of the repressed impulse. In this case a person who wants to injure, cheat, deceive others has also a fear that they will do the same to him. How far the retaliation fear is a general characteristic ingrained in human nature, how far it arises from primitive experiences of sin and punishment, how far it presupposes a drive for personal revenge, I leave as an open question. Beyond doubt, it plays a great role in the minds of neurotic persons.

These processes brought about by repressed hostility result in the affect of anxiety. In fact, the repression generates exactly the state that is characteristic of anxiety: a feeling of defenselessness toward what is felt an overpowering danger menacing from outside.

Though the steps by which anxiety develops are simple in principle, in practice it is usually difficult to understand the conditions of anxiety. One of the complicating factors is that the repressed hostile impulses are frequently projected not on the person factually concerned but on something else. In one of Freud's case histories, for example, the little Hans did not develop an anxiety concerning his parents but an anxiety concerning white horses. An otherwise very sensible patient of mine, after a repression of hostility toward her husband, suddenly developed an anxiety concerning reptiles in the tiled swimming pool. It seems that nothing from germs to thunderstorms is too remote for an anxiety to be attached to it. The reasons for this tendency to detach the anxiety from the person concerned are quite obvious. If the anxiety factually concerns a parent, husband, friend or one in similar close relationship the assumption of hostility is felt to be incompatible with an existing tie of authority, love or appreciation. The maxim in these cases is the denial of hostility all around. By repressing his own hostility, the person denies that there is any hostility on his part, and by projecting his repressed hostility to thunderstorms he denies any hostility on the other's part. Many illusions of happy marriage rest on an ostrich policy of this kind.

That a repression of hostility leads with inexorable logic to the generation of anxiety does not mean that anxiety must become manifest every time the process takes place. Anxiety may be removed instantaneously by one of the protective devices we have discussed or shall discuss later. A person in such a situation may protect himself by such means, for example, as developing an enhanced need for sleep or taking to drink.

There are infinite variations in the forms of anxiety that may ensue from the process of repressing hostility. For the sake of a better understanding of the resultant pictures, I shall present the different possibilities schematically.

A: The danger is felt to arise from one's own impulses.
B: The danger is felt to arise from outside.

In view of the consequences of repressing hostility group A appears to be a direct outcome of the repression while group B presupposes a projection. Both A mid B can be subdivided into two subgroups.

I: The danger is felt to be directed against the self.
II: The danger is felt to be directed against others.

We would then have four main groups of anxiety:

A. I: The danger is felt to come from one's own impulses and to be directed against the self. In this group the hostility is turned secondarily against the self, a process which we shall discuss later.
Example: phobia of having to jump down from high places.

A. II: The danger is felt to come from one's own impulses and to be directed against others.
Example: phobia of having to injure others with knives.

B. I: The danger is felt to come from outside and to concern the self.
Example: fear of thunderstorms.

B. II: The danger is felt to come from outside and to concern others. In this group the hostility is projected to the outside world and the original object of hostility is retained.
Example: the anxiety of over-solicitous mothers concerning the dangers menacing their children.

Needless to say, the value of such a classification is limited. It may be useful in providing a quick orientation, but it does not suggest all possible contingencies. One should not deduce, for example, that persons developing an anxiety of type A never project their repressed hostility; it can only be deduced that in this specific form of anxiety projection is absent.

With the capacity of hostility to generate anxiety the relation between the two is not exhausted. The process also works the other way around: anxiety in its turn, when based on a feeling of being menaced, easily provokes a reactive hostility in defense. In this regard it does not differ in any way from fear, which may equally provoke aggression. The reactive hostility too, if repressed, may create anxiety, and thus a cycle is created. This effect of reciprocity between hostility and anxiety, one always generating and reinforcing the other, enables us to understand why we find in neuroses such an enormous amount of relentless hostility. This reciprocal influence is also the basic reason why severe neuroses so often become worse without any apparent difficult conditions from the outside. It does not matter whether anxiety or hostility has been the primary factor; the point that is highly important for the dynamics of a neurosis is that anxiety and hostility are inextricably interwoven.

In general, the concept of anxiety I have propounded is developed by methods that are essentially psychoanalytic. It operates with the dynamics of unconscious forces, the processes of repression, projection and the like. If we go into more detail, however, it differs in several respects from the position taken by Freud.

Freud has successively propounded two views concerning anxiety. The first of them was, in short, that anxiety results from a repression of impulses. This referred exclusively to the impulse of sexuality and was a purely physiological interpretation, because it was based on the belief that if sexual energy is prevented from discharge it will produce physical tension in the body, which is transformed into anxiety. According to his second view, anxiety - or what he calls neurotic anxiety - results from fear of those impulses of which the discovery or pursuit would incur an external danger. This second interpretation, which is psychological, refers not to the sexual impulse alone but also to that of aggression. In this interpretation of anxiety, Freud is not at all concerned about the repression or nonrepression of impulses, but only about the fear of those impulses, the pursuit of which would involve an external danger.

My concept is based on a belief that Freud's two views must be integrated in order to understand the whole picture. Thus, I have freed the first concept of its purely physiological foundation and have combined it with the second concept. Anxiety in general results not so much from a fear of our impulses as from a fear of our repressed impulses. It seems to me that the reason why Freud could not make good use of his first concept - though it was based on an ingenious psychological observation - lies in his having given it a physiological interpretation instead of raising the psychological question of what happens psychically within a person if he represses an impulse.

A second point of disagreement with Freud is of less theoretical but of all the more practical importance. I fully concur with his opinion that anxiety may result from every impulse of which the expression would incur an external danger. Sexual impulses may certainly be of this kind, but only so long as a strict individual and social taboo resting on them renders them dangerous. From this point of view the frequency with which anxiety is generated by sexual impulses is largely dependent on the existing cultural attitude toward sexuality. I do not see that sexuality as such is a specific source of anxiety. I do believe, however, that there is such a specific source in hostility, or more accurately in repressed hostile impulses. To put the concept I have represented in this chapter into simple, practical terms: whenever I find anxiety or indications of it, the questions that come to my mind are, what sensitive spot has been hurt and has consequently provoked hostility, and what accounts for the necessity of repression? My experience is that a search in these directions often leads to a satisfactory understanding of anxiety.

A third point in which I find myself at variance with Freud is his assumption that anxiety is generated only in childhood, starting with the alleged anxiety at birth mid proceeding to castration fear, and that anxiety occurring later in life is based on reactions which have remained infantile. "There is no doubt that persons whom we call neurotic remain infantile in their attitude towards danger, and have not grown out of antiquated conditions for anxiety."

Let us consider separately the elements contained in this interpretation. Freud asserts that during childhood we are particularly prone to react with anxiety. This is an undisputed fact, and one for which there are good and understandable reasons, lying in the child's comparative helplessness against adverse influences. In fact in character neuroses it is invariably found that the formation of anxiety started in early childhood, or at least that the foundation of what I have called basic anxiety was laid in that time. Besides this, however, Freud believes that the anxiety in adult neuroses is still tied up with the conditions, which originally provoked it. This means, for instance, that an adult man would be just as much harassed by fear of castration, though in modified forms, as he had been as a boy. No doubt, there are rare cases in which an infantile anxiety reaction may with appropriate provocations re-emerge in later life in unchanged form. But as a rule what we find is, in a phrase, not repetition but development. In cases in which the analysis allows us a pretty complete understanding of how a neurosis has developed we may find an uninterrupted chain of reactions from early anxiety to adult peculiarities. Therefore, the later anxiety will contain, among others, elements conditioned by the specific conflicts existing in childhood. However, the anxiety as a whole is not an infantile reaction. To consider it as such would be to confuse two different things, to mistake for an infantile attitude an attitude merely generated in childhood. With at least as much justification as calling anxiety an infantile reaction one might call it a precocious grown-up attitude in a child.

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