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Английское онлайн занятие в рамках курса Английский онлайн для врачей. Индивидуальное занятие с Анной Пиковской, читаем книгу Karen Horney: The Neurotic Personality of Our Time

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Chapter 1: Cultural and Psychological Implications of Neuroses

We use the term "neurotic" quite freely today without always having, however, a clear conception of what it denotes. Often it is hardly more than a slightly highbrow way of expressing disapproval: one who formerly would have been content to say lazy, sensitive, demanding or suspicious, is now likely to say instead "neurotic." Yet we do have something in mind when we use the term, and without being quite aware of it, we apply certain criteria to determine its choice.

First of all, neurotic persons are different from the average individuals in their reactions. We should be inclined to consider neurotic, for example, a girl who prefers to remain in the rank and file, refuses to accept an increased salary and does not wish to be identified with her superiors, or an artist who earns thirty dollars a week but could earn more if he gave more time to his work, and who prefers instead to enjoy life as well as he can on that amount, to spend a good deal of his time in the company of women or in indulging in technical hobbies. The reason we should call such persons neurotic is that most of us are familiar, and exclusively familiar, with a behaviour pattern that implies wanting to get ahead in the world, to get ahead of others, to earn more money than the bare minimum for existence.

These examples show that one criterion we apply in designating a person as neurotic is whether his mode of living coincides with any of the recognized behaviour patterns of our time. If the girl without competitive drives, or at least without apparent competitive drives, lived in some Pueblo Indian culture, she would be considered entirely normal, or if the artist lived in a village in Southern Italy or in Mexico he, too, would be considered normal, because in those environments it is inconceivable that anyone should want to earn more money or to make any greater effort than is absolutely necessary to satisfy immediate needs. Going farther back, in Greece the attitude of wanting to work more than one’s needs required would have been considered positively indecent.

Thus the term neurotic, while originally medical, cannot be used now without its cultural implications. One can diagnose a broken leg without knowing the cultural background of the patient, but one would run a great risk in calling an Indian boy psychotic because he told us that he had visions in which he believed. In the particular culture of these Indians the experience of visions and hallucinations is regarded as a special gift, a blessing from the spirits, and they are deliberately induced as conferring a certain prestige on the person who has them. With us a person would be neurotic or psychotic who talked by the hour with his deceased grandfather, whereas such communication with ancestors is a recognized pattern in some Indian tribes. A person who felt mortally offended if the name of a deceased relative were mentioned we should consider neurotic indeed, but he would be absolutely normal in the Jicarilla Apache culture. A man mortally frightened by the approach of a menstruating woman we should consider neurotic, while with many primitive tribes fear concerning menstruation is the average attitude.

The conception of what is normal varies not only with the culture but also within the same culture, in the course of time. Today, for example, if a mature and independent woman were to consider herself "a fallen woman," "unworthy of the love of a decent man," because she had had sexual relationships, she would be suspected of a neurosis, at least in many circles of society. Some forty years ago this attitude of guilt would have been considered normal. The conception of normality varies also with the different classes of society. Members of the feudal class, for example, find it normal for a man to be lazy all the time, active only at hunting or warring, whereas a person of the small bourgeois class showing the same attitude would be considered decidedly abnormal. This variation is found also according to sex distinctions, as far as they exist in society, as they do in Western culture, where men and women are supposed to have different temperaments. For a woman to become obsessed with the dread of growing old as she approaches the forties is, again, "normal," while a man getting jittery about age at that period of life would be neurotic.

To some extent every educated person knows that there are variations in what is regarded as normal. We know that the Chinese eat foods different from ours; that the Eskimos have different conceptions of cleanliness; that the medicine-man has different ways of curing the sick from those used by the modern physician. That there are, however, variations not only in customs but also in drives and feelings, is less generally understood, though implicitly or explicitly it has been stated by anthropologists. It is one of the merits of modern anthropology, as Sapir has put it, to be always rediscovering the normal.

For good reasons every culture clings to the belief that its own feelings and drives are the one normal expression of "human nature," and psychology has not made an exception to this rule. Freud, for example, concludes from his observations that woman is more jealous than man, and then tries to account for this presumably general phenomenon on biological grounds. Freud also seems to assume that all human beings experience guilt feelings concerning murder. It is an indisputable fact, however, that the greatest variations exist in the attitude toward killing. As Peter Freuchen has shown, the Eskimos do not feel that a murderer requires punishment. In many primitive tribes the injury done a family when one of its members is killed by an outsider may be repaired by presenting a substitute. In some cultures the feelings of a mother whose son has been killed can be assuaged by adopting the murderer in his place.

Making further use of anthropological findings we must recognize that some of our conceptions about human nature are rather naive, for example the idea that competitiveness, sibling rivalry, kinship between affection and sexuality, are trends inherent in human nature. Our conception of normality is arrived at by the approval of certain standards of behaviour and feeling within a certain group which imposes these standards upon its members. But the standards vary with culture, period, class and sex.

These considerations have more far-reaching implications for psychology than appears at first impression. The immediate consequence is a feeling of doubt about psychological omniscience. From resemblances between findings concerning our culture and those concerning other cultures we must not conclude that both are due to the same motivations. It is no longer valid to suppose that a new psychological finding reveals a universal trend inherent in human nature. The effect of all this is to confirm what some sociologists have repeatedly asserted: that there is no such thing as a normal psychology, which holds for all mankind.

These limitations, however, are more than compensated by the opening up of new possibilities of understanding. The essential implication of these anthropological considerations is that feelings and attitudes are to an amazingly high degree moulded by the conditions under which we live, both cultural and individual, inseparably interwoven. This in turn means that if we know the cultural conditions under which we live we have a good chance of gaining a much deeper understanding of the special character of normal feelings and attitudes. And inasmuch as neuroses are deviations from the normal pattern of behaviour there is for them, too, a prospect of better understanding.

In part, taking this way means following Freud along the path that led him ultimately to present the world with a hitherto unthought-of understanding of neuroses. While in theory Freud traced back our peculiarities to biologically-given drives he has emphatically represented the opinion - in theory and still more in practice - that we cannot understand a neurosis without a detailed knowledge of the individual’s life circumstances, particularly the moulding influences of affection in early childhood. Applying the same principle to the problem of normal and neurotic structures in a given culture means that we cannot understand these structures without a detailed knowledge of the influences the particular culture exerts over the individual.

For the rest it means that we have to take a definite step beyond Freud, a step which is possible, though, only on the basis of Freud’s revealing discoveries. For although in one respect he is far ahead of his own time, in another - in his over-emphasis on the biological origin of mental characteristics - Freud has remained rooted in its scientific orientations. He has assumed that the instinctual drives or object relationships that are frequent in our culture are biologically determined "human nature" or arise out of unalterable situations (biologically given "pregenital" stages, Oedipus complex).

Freud’s disregard of cultural factors not only leads to false generalizations, but to a large extent blocks an understanding of the real forces, which motivate our attitudes and actions. I believe that this disregard is the main reason why psychoanalysis, inasmuch as it faithfully follows the theoretical paths beaten by Freud, seems in spite of its seemingly boundless potentialities to have come into a blind alley, manifesting itself in a rank growth of abstruse theories and the use of a shadowy terminology.

We have seen now that a neurosis involves deviation from the normal. This criterion is very important, though it is not sufficient. Persons may deviate from the general pattern without having a neurosis. The artist cited above, who refused to give more time than necessary to earning money, may have a neurosis or he may simply be wise in not permitting himself to be pulled into the current of competitive struggle. On the other hand, many persons may have a severe neurosis who according to surface observation are adapted to existing patterns of life. It is in such cases that the psychological or medical point of view is necessary.

Curiously enough, it is anything but easy to say what constitutes a neurosis from this point of view. At any rate, as long as we study the manifest picture alone, it is difficult to find characteristics common to all neuroses. We certainly cannot use the symptoms - such as phobias, depressions, functional physical disorders - as a criterion, because they may not be present. Inhibitions of some sort are always present, for reasons I shall discuss later, but they may be so subtle or so well disguised as to escape surface observation. The same difficulties would arise if we should judge from the manifest picture alone the disturbances in relations with other people, including the disturbances in sexual relations. These are never missing but they may be very difficult to discern. There are two characteristics, however, which one may discern in all neuroses without having an intimate knowledge of the personality structure: a certain rigidity in reaction and a discrepancy between potentialities and accomplishments.

Both characteristics need further explanation. By rigidity in reactions, I mean a lack of that flexibility which enables us to react differently to different situations. The normal person, for instance, is suspicious where he senses or sees reasons for being so; a neurotic person may be suspicious, regardless of the situation, all the time, whether he is aware of his state or not. A normal person is able to discriminate between compliments meant sincerely and those of an insincere nature; the neurotic person does not differentiate between the two or may discount them altogether, under all conditions. A normal person will be spiteful if he feels an unwarranted imposition; a neurotic may react with spite to any insinuation, even if he realizes that it is in his own interest. A normal person may be undecided, at times, in a matter important and difficult to decide; a neurotic may be undecided at all times.

Rigidity, however, is indicative of a neurosis only when it deviates from the cultural patterns. A rigid suspicion of anything new or strange is a normal pattern among a large proportion of peasants in Western civilization; and the small bourgeois’ rigid emphasis on thrift is also an example of normal rigidity.

In the same way, a discrepancy between the potentialities of a person and his actual achievements in life may be due only to external factors. But it is indicative of a neurosis if in spite of gifts and favourable external possibilities for their development the person remains unproductive; or if in spite of having all the possibilities for feeling happy he cannot enjoy what he has; or if in spite of being beautiful a woman feels that she cannot attract men. In other words, the neurotic has the impression that he stands in his own way.

Leaving aside the manifest picture and looking at the dynamics effective in producing neuroses, there is one essential factor common to all neuroses, and that is anxieties and the defences built up against them. Intricate as the structure of a neurosis may be, this anxiety is the motor which sets the neurotic process going and keeps it in motion. The meaning of this statement will become clear in the following chapters, and therefore I refrain from citing examples now. But even if it is to be accepted only tentatively as a basic principle it requires elaboration.

As it stands the statement is obviously too general. Anxieties or fears - let us use these terms interchangeably for a while - are ubiquitous, and so are defences against them. These reactions are not restricted to human beings. If an animal, frightened by some danger, either makes a counter-attack or takes flight, we have exactly the same situation of fear and defence. If we are afraid of being struck by lightning and put a lightning-rod on our roof, if we are afraid of the consequences of possible accidents and take out an insurance policy, the factors of fear and defence are likewise present. They are present in various specific forms in every culture, and may be institutionalized, as in the wearing of amulets as a defence against the fear of the evil eye, the observation of circumstantial rites against the fear of the dead, the taboos concerning the avoidance of menstruating women as a defence against the fear of evil emanating from them.

These similarities present a temptation to make a logical error. If the factors of fear and defence are essential in neuroses, why not call the institutionalized defences against fear the evidence of "cultural" neuroses? The fallacy in reasoning this way lies in the fact that two phenomena are not necessarily identical when they have one element in common. One would not call a house a rock merely because it is built out of the same material as a rock. What, then, is the characteristic of neurotic fears and defences that makes them specifically neurotic? Is it perhaps that the neurotic fears are imaginary? No, for we might also be inclined to call fear of the dead imaginary; and in both cases we should be yielding to an impression based on lack of understanding. Is it perhaps that the neurotic essentially does not know why he is afraid? No, for neither does the primitive know why he has a fear of the dead. The distinction has nothing to do with gradations of awareness or rationality, but it consists in the following two factors.

First, life conditions in every culture give rise to some fears. They may be caused by external dangers (nature, enemies), by the forms of social relationships (incitement to hostility because of suppression, injustice, enforced dependence, frustrations), by cultural traditions (traditional fear of demons, of violation of taboos) regardless of how they may have originated. An individual may be subject more or less to these fears, but on the whole it is safe to assume that they are thrust upon every individual living in a given culture, and that no one can avoid them. The neurotic, however, not only shares the fears common to all individuals in a culture, but because of conditions in his individual life - which, however, are interwoven with general conditions - he also has fears which in quantity or quality deviate from those of the cultural pattern.

Secondly, the fears existing in a given culture are warded off in general by certain protective devices (such as taboos, rites, customs). As a rule, these defences represent a more economical way of dealing with fears than do the neurotic’s defences built up in a different way. Thus the normal person, though having to undergo the fears and defences of his culture, will in general be quite capable of living up to his potentialities and of enjoying what life has to offer to him. The normal person is capable of making the best of the possibilities given in his culture. Expressing it negatively, he does not suffer more than is unavoidable in his culture. The neurotic person, on the other hand, suffers invariably more than the average person. He invariably has to pay an exorbitant price for his defences, consisting in an impairment in vitality and expansiveness, or more specifically in an impairment of his capacities for achievement and enjoyment, resulting in the discrepancy I have mentioned. In fact, the neurotic is invariably a suffering person. The only reason why I did not mention this fact when discussing the characteristics of all neuroses that can be derived from surface observation is that it is not necessarily observable from without. The neurotic himself may not even be aware of the fact that he is suffering.

Talking of fears and defences, I am afraid that by this time many readers will have become impatient about such an extensive discussion of so simple a question as what constitutes a neurosis. In defending myself, I may point out that psychic phenomena are always intricate, that while there are seemingly simple questions there is never a simple answer, that the predicament we meet here at the beginning is no exceptional one, but will accompany us throughout the book, whatever problem we shall tackle. The particular difficulty in the description of a neurosis lies in the fact that a satisfactory answer can be given neither with psychological nor with sociological tools alone, but that they must be taken up alternately, first one and then the other, as in fact have we done. If we should regard a neurosis only from the point of view of its dynamics and psychic structure, we should hypostatize a normal human being: he does not exist. We run into more difficulties as soon as we pass the borderline of our own country or of countries with a culture similar to our own. Moreover, if we regard a neurosis only from the sociological point of view as a mere deviation from the behaviour pattern common to a certain society, we neglect grossly all we know about the psychological characteristics of a neurosis, and no psychiatrist of any school or country would recognize the results as what he is accustomed to designate a neurosis. The reconcilement of the two approaches lies in a method of observation that considers the deviation both in the manifest picture of the neurosis and in the dynamics of the psychic processes, but without considering either deviation as the primary and decisive one. The two must be combined. This in general is the way we have gone in pointing out that fear and defence are one of the dynamic centres of a neurosis, but constitute a neurosis only when deviating in quantity or quality from the fears and defences patterned in the same culture.

We have to go one step farther in the same direction. There is still another essential characteristic of a neurosis and that is the presence of conflicting tendencies of the existence of which, or at least of the precise content of which, the neurotic himself is unaware, and for which he automatically tries to reach certain compromise solutions. It is this latter characteristic, which in various forms Freud has stressed as an indispensable constituent of neuroses. What distinguishes the neurotic conflicts from those commonly existing in a culture is neither their content nor the fact that they are essentially unconscious - in both respects the common cultural conflicts may be identical - but the fact that in the neurotic the conflicts are sharper and more accentuated. The neurotic person attempts and arrives at compromise solutions - not inopportunely classified as neurotic - and these solutions are less satisfactory than those of the average individual and are achieved at great expense to the whole personality.

Reviewing all these considerations, we are not yet able to give a well-rounded definition of a neurosis, but we can arrive at a description: a neurosis is a psychic disturbance brought about by fears and defences against these fears, and by attempts to find compromise solutions for conflicting tendencies. For practical reasons it is advisable to call this disturbance a neurosis only if it deviates from the pattern common to the particular culture.

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Английское онлайн занятие в рамках Интенсивного курса английского языка. Индивидуальное занятие с Галиной Фесенко, читаем отчет МАГАТЭ: Nuclear Technology Review 2012

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Executive Summary

In 2011, nuclear energy continued to play an important role in global electricity production despite the accident at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant (NPP). Total generating nuclear power capacity was slightly lower than in previous years due to the permanent shutdown of 13 reactors in 2011, including 8 in Germany and 4 in Japan in the wake of the accident. However, there were 7 new grid connections compared to 5 in 2010, 2 in 2009 and none in 2008. Significant growth in the use of nuclear energy worldwide is still anticipated — between 35% and 100% by 2030 — although the Agency projections for 2030 are 7–8% lower than projections made in 2010. The factors that have contributed to an increased interest in nuclear power did not change: an increasing global demand for energy, concerns about climate change, energy security and uncertainty about fossil fuel supplies. Most of the growth is still expected in countries that already have operating NPPs, especially in Asia, with China and India remaining the main centres of expansion while the Russian Federation will also remain a centre of strong growth. The 7–8% drop in projected growth for 2030 reflects an accelerated phase-out of nuclear power in Germany, some immediate shutdowns and a government review of the planned expansion in Japan, as well as temporary delays in expansion in several other countries.

Measures taken by countries as a result of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident have been varied. A number of countries announced reviews of their programmes. Belgium, Germany and Switzerland took additional steps to phase out nuclear power entirely while others re-emphasized their expansion plans. Many Member States carried out national safety assessment reviews in 2011 (often called ‘stress tests’), and commitments were made to complete any remaining assessments promptly and to implement the necessary corrective action. In countries considering the introduction of nuclear power, interest remained strong. Although some countries indicated that they would delay decisions to start nuclear power programmes, others continued with their plans to introduce nuclear energy.

A Ministerial Conference on Nuclear Safety was convened by the Agency in June 2011. Its objectives were to discuss an initial assessment of the Fukushima Daiichi accident, to consider the lessons that needed to be learned, to help launch a process to enhance nuclear safety throughout the world and to consider ways of further strengthening the response to nuclear accidents and emergencies. The IAEA Action Plan on Nuclear Safety, which defines 12 main actions, was endorsed by the General Conference in September 2011.

In the 2011 edition of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)/Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA)–IAEA ‘Red Book’, estimates of identified conventional uranium resources at less than $130/kg U decreased slightly compared to the previous edition, as uranium production worldwide rose significantly, due largely to increased production in Kazakhstan. New resources were reported throughout 2011 for many uranium deposits in Africa, and commercial production was reported for the first time at the Honeymoon in situ leaching mine in Australia. Uranium spot prices, which at the end of 2010 had reached their highest levels in over two years ($160/kg U), fell after the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident and ended the year at $135/kg U.

The world’s first Low Enriched Uranium (LEU) Reserve under the Agency’s auspices, comprising 120 tonnes of LEU, was established in December 2010 at the International Uranium Enrichment Centre in Angarsk, Russian Federation. From 3 February 2011, the LEU Reserve in Angarsk has been available to Agency Member States. In addition, in March 2011, the Board of Governors approved a proposal for a Nuclear Fuel Assurance (NFA) by the United Kingdom, co-sponsored by the member countries of the European Union (EU), the Russian Federation and the USA. The NFA aims to ensure the supply of enrichment services and LEU for use in NPPs. Furthermore, during 2011 the Secretariat continued work on developing the administrative, financial, legal and technical arrangements for an Agency-coordinated LEU bank to serve as a supply of last resort for nuclear power generation. The Agency accepted an offer from Kazakhstan to host the bank at the Ulba Metallurgical Plant, and formal negotiations on the Host State Agreement began in 2012.

In the area of radioactive waste management, the Council of the EU adopted on 19 July 2011 a Directive establishing a Community framework for the responsible and safe management of spent fuel and radioactive waste. This Directive adopted a set of harmonized standards for all EU member countries that are based on the Agency’s safety standards. In Sweden, the Swedish nuclear fuel and waste management company SKB submitted a license application to build a final disposal facility for spent nuclear fuel in Forsmark in March 2011. In the USA, the Blue Ribbon Commission on America’s Nuclear Future issued, in July 2011, draft recommendations for developing a long-term solution to the management of the USA’s spent fuel and nuclear waste. The final report was issued in January 2012.

In 2011, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and the World Organisation for Animal Health (OIE) declared the global eradication of rinderpest, the most devastating infection of cattle, and for centuries a major cause of famine and poverty. After smallpox in 1980, this is only the second disease that has been successfully eradicated. Nuclear and nuclear-related techniques made an important contribution through the development and use of diagnostic tests such as the enzyme linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA), as developed by the IAEA Animal Production and Health Laboratory.

The globalization of trade in food along with animal movement has brought about an unprecedented increase of emerging and re-emerging animal as well as plant diseases and pests. During 2011, advances were made in utilizing nuclear techniques to address other transboundary animal diseases, including avian influenza (e.g. by tracing the origin of an outbreak using stable isotopes). Scientists are also looking into using irradiation to produce viral vaccines for foot-and-mouth disease, Rift Valley fever, influenza and other viral pathogens. The sterilization of insects as part of insect pest control programmes has traditionally used cobalt-60 or caesium-137 irradiators that produce gamma ray ionizing radiation. However, due to increasingly difficult shipping logistics scientists are exploring new ways of sterilizing insects, such as the use of self-contained low-energy X ray irradiators.

The Fukushima Daiichi accident substantially affected large areas of agricultural lands around the site and presented new challenges in terms of the development of agricultural countermeasures against radiation contamination. Although many of the options that were effectively used after past accidents (e.g. Kyshtym and Chernobyl) such as soil based and agrochemical remedial measures are being further tested and partially implemented in the Fukushima region, the specific conditions of the affected area have called for new approaches to ensure food safety and sustainable agricultural production.

In the area of environmental protection, the Fukushima Daiichi accident showed that a huge number of environmental samples need to be analysed very quickly to comply with regulatory limits and quality criteria. Rapid methods allow the time required for analysis to be reduced from days or weeks to hours or days. The validation and implementation of such methods is necessary above all for radionuclides which pose significant radiological concern in all potentially affected environmental media, as well as for food and animal feed.

The use of well characterized and validated sampling and analytical procedures is especially important in the case of transboundary environmental assessments. The Agency coordinates a worldwide network of analytical laboratories for the measurement of environmental radioactivity (ALMERA) in order to provide reliable and timely analysis of environmental samples in the event of an accidental or intentional release of radioactivity. The 2011 proficiency test organized by ALMERA focused on alpha, beta and gamma emitters in soil and water samples. In 2012, the focus will be on the quality and comparability of analyses of aerosol samples. As compared to the more common aerial and terrestrial in situ gamma spectrometry for environmental sampling, there is an obvious need to install in situ underwater monitoring through stationary and mobile high resolution gamma spectrometry of the coastal marine environment. This would allow for a reconstruction of liquid radioactive releases and rapid screening of water and sediment contamination.

In the area of human health, there is increasing recognition that appropriate nutrition during the first one thousand days of life from conception to two years of age can have a profound impact on a child’s ability to grow and learn, and on the risk of developing chronic diseases, such as diabetes and heart disease, later in life. Nuclear techniques, such as stable isotope dilution, offer advantages in monitoring relatively small changes in body composition, and can be used to evaluate nutrition intervention programmes. In Chile, a successful use of stable isotope techniques to evaluate national intervention programmes led to the development of a Motor Development and Physical Activity Promotion Programme for children aged 6–24 months in 2011.

As part of the efforts to improve the quality of data management for radiotherapy, there is an increasing trend towards the use of ‘record and verify systems’ (RVS), a type of radiotherapy patient database management. In order to promote safe and effective patient treatment, in 2011 the Agency produced guidelines for sound quality management of RVSs, which had been endorsed by all major suppliers of radiotherapy equipment. Various approaches for diagnostic imaging are playing an ever increasing role in the detection and treatment of breast cancer. Recent advances in imaging technology coupled with developments in computer technology have fundamentally improved the processes of tumour targeting and radiation therapy planning. The Agency, through its Programme of Action for Cancer Therapy (PACT), in cooperation with partners such as the World Health Organization, continued to deliver comprehensive cancer control to Member States in 2011.

In the area of water resources, isotope techniques and related tools, together with newer mapping developments such as geographic information systems and geostatistical methods, are helping water managers to better delineate, quantify and visualize aquifers and groundwater bodies. In 2011, the use of low cost and easy-to-operate devices for the analysis of stable isotopes in water, based on laser spectroscopy, became a standard procedure for research groups worldwide. This has allowed them to be more independent in analysing stable isotopes for hydrological assessment, thus saving money and time. For example, isotopic studies to assess groundwater resources in the Santa Elena peninsula in Ecuador have provided information that has helped to increase the availability of water to many of the area’s inhabitants.

Progress in nuclear imaging is closely linked to the production of new radionuclides with novel physical and chemical properties. In 2011, generator-produced radionuclides for positron emission tomography (PET) became increasingly more accessible in countries like Australia, China, France, Germany, India, Japan, the Republic of Korea, the UK and the USA because they can be produced in hospitals without an on-site cyclotron. Another trend observed in 2011 was that a number of manufacturers upgraded their cyclotron systems in order to achieve increased beam current and higher energies to meet the current demand for radionuclides used in such diagnostic techniques as PET and single photon emission computed tomography (SPECT), as well as therapeutic applications.

In the area of radiation technologies, the development of a highly effective vaccine for malaria in advanced stages of clinical trials was reported at the International Meeting on Radiation Processing in 2011. The vaccine is based on sporozoites that have been weakened by gamma irradiation. The vaccine prevents malaria blood-stage infection, protects an individual from the disease and blocks the transmission of the disease.

In another 2011 development, related to biofuels, the use of thermal hydrolysis combined with electron beam irradiation of sugar cane bagasse was shown to lead to increased yields of bioethanol. The use of radiation grafted fibrous polymer membranes, developed by the Quantum Beam Science Directorate of the Japan Atomic Energy Agency (JAEA) was successfully demonstrated to selectively remove radioactive caesium from two sites that were contaminated as a result of the Fukushima Daiichi accident. Radiotracers and nucleonic gauges are being increasingly used in mining mainly for the exploration and effective exploitation of natural resources.

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Сложное дополнение или Объектный инфинитивный оборот или The Complex Object или Objective with the Infinitive Construction +RANDOM
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Сложное дополнение или Объектный инфинитивный оборот или The Complex Object или Objective with the Infinitive Construction +RANDOM

Личные формы глагола в английском языке скачать аудио онлайн бесплатно MP3 - первая часть английского онлайн урока по глаголам(Для прослушивания MP3 объекта вам необходим Flash плейер)

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На этой странице я даю лишь краткие объяснения правил спряжения английских правильных глаголов с переводом, а также привожу написание четырех форм правильных английских глаголов с переводом. Основное объяснение глагольных форм и их чтение дано в аудиотреке - в аудиофайле я объясню Вам особенности чтения четырех форм английских глаголов, а также помогу запомнить английские правильные глаголы в контексте при помощи эффективных мнемонических правил и ассоциаций. Объяснения как пользоваться таблицей английских глаголов, что означают четыре формы английского глагола, а также чтение всех английских правильных глагольных форм находятся в аудиотреке, который можно слушать на сайте на онлайн плеере, а можно скачать английский аудио урок по ссылке и выучить английские неправильные глаголы на слух.

ВАЖНО! Это НЕ полное объяснение темы Личные формы английских глаголов, прослушайте полное объяснение по ссылке ниже:

Личные формы английских глаголов. Совершенные и несовершенные, продолженные и непродолженные английские времена. Действительный и страдательный залог

Объектный инфинитивный оборот в английском языке или Objective with the Infinitive Construction, он же Сложное дополнение или The Complex Object - конструкция, не имеющая аналогов в русском языке. В русском языке дополнение может быть выражено одиночным существительным или местоимением или словосочетанием (такое дополнение мы называем простым), а может быть выражено придаточным дополнительным предложением (т.е. полноценным предложением, которое все целиком служит одним большим дополнением к глаголу-сказуемому в главном предложении.

Первый способ - простое дополнение:

Наш шеф требует ерунду. - простое прямое дополнение (состоит из одного существительного в винительном падеже) кого? что? ерунду дополняет глагол-сказуемое.

Наш шеф требует полную ерунду. - простое прямое дополнение (состоит из прилагательного и существительного в винительном падеже) кого? что? полную ерунду дополняет глагол-сказуемое.

Второй способ - придаточное дополнительное предложение:

Наш шеф требует, чтобы теперь мы работали без выходных и за еду. - прямое дополнение выражено полноценным предложением (теперь - обстоятельство времени, мы - подлежащее, работали - сказуемое, без выходных и за еду - обстоятельства образа действия).

То есть в русском языке возможны только два варианта: простое дополнение (местоимение, существительное или словосочетание) - два верхних примера; придаточное дополнительное предложение (целое предложение в функции дополнения) - нижний пример.

А вот в английском помимо простого дополнения и придаточного дополнительного предложения существует и третий способ дополнить глагол-сказуемое - сложное дополнение или объектный инфинитивный оборот - промежуточный вариант: сложнее, чем простое дополнение, но проще, чем придаточное дополнительное предложение. Английская конструкция Сложное дополнение позволяет сохранить простое предложение, т.к. не имеет самостоятельной грамматической основы подлежащее - сказуемое. Таким образом, в английском языке дополнение можно образовать тремя способами:

Первый способ - простое дополнение:

Our boss wants nonsense. - Наш шеф требует ерунду. - простое прямое дополнение (состоит из одного существительного в винительном падеже) кого? что? nonsense дополняет глагол-сказуемое.

Our bass wanths complete nonsense. - Наш шеф требует полную ерунду. - простое прямое дополнение (состоит из прилагательного и существительного в винительном падеже) кого? что? complete nonsense дополняет глагол-сказуемое.

Второй способ - сложное дополнение:

Our boss wants us to work for food and without days-off. - Наш шеф требует, чтобы мы работали за еду и без выходных. - прямое дополнение выражено сложным дополнением (us - местоимение в объектном падеже, to work - инфинитив, for food и without days-off - обстоятельства образа действия); в русском языке аналогичной конструкции нет, поэтому приходится переводить придаточным дополнительным предложением.

Третий способ - придаточное дополнительное предложение:

Our boss wants that we work for food and without days-off. - Наш шеф требует, чтобы мы работали за еду и без выходных. - прямое дополнение выражено полноценным придаточным предложением, полный аналог русского сложноподчиненного предложения (we - подлежащее, work - личный глагол-сказуемое, for food и without days-off - обстоятельства образа действия).

То есть в английском языке возможны три варианта: простое дополнение (местоимение, существительное или словосочетание) - два верхних примера; объектный инфинитивный оборот - в русском аналогов нет - третий пример; придаточное дополнительное предложение (целое предложение в функции дополнения) - нижний пример - полный аналог русского варианта.

Как построить английское предложение со сложным дополнением или объектным инфинитивным оборотом или The Complex Object или Objective with the Infinitive Construction?

Английское сложное дополнение состоит из существительного в общем падеже или местоимения в объектном падеже и инфинитива, так как аналога в русском языке не имеет, то обычно переводится на русский язык придаточным дополнительным предложением.

This guide wants the tour group to love his city and country as much as he does. - Гид хочет, чтобы туристы (туристическая группа) полюбили его город и страну так же, как он [их любит].

Объектный инфинитивный оборот, или сложное дополнение, состоит из существительного или личного местоимения в объектном падеже (me, him, her, us, you, them) и инфинитива, и употребляется лишь после глаголов, выражающих желание, восприятие, предположение, приказание, просьбу. Схема построения английского предложения с объектным инфинитивным оборотом следующая:

подлежащее + сказуемое + существительное или местоимение в винительном падеже + инфинитив + второстепенные члены предложения

Сочетание существительное или местоимение в винительном падеже + инфинитив как раз и является Complex Object, ставится там же, где и обычное простое дополнение - сразу после глагола-сказуемого.

Если английский инфинитив в составе сложного дополнения употребляется в действительной форме (Active Infinitive), то он выражает действие, совершаемое лицом или предметом, обозначенным существительным или местоимением, которое стоит перед инфинитивом.

А если английский инфинитив стоит в страдательной форме (Passive Infinitive), то он выражает действие, которое совершается над лицом или предметом, обозначенным местоимением или существительным, которое стоит перед инфинитивом.

Использование Complex Object позволяет построить простое английское предложение (т.е. в нем только одна грамматическая основа подлежащее-сказуемое), в котором передаются сразу два разных объекта/субъекта и два разных действия. Как мы и говорили выше, из-за отсутствия аналогичной конструкции в русском языке, мы переводим Complex Object придаточным дополнительным предложением с союзами чтобы, что, как.

У Вас уже, наверное, возник резонный вопрос: "А зачем тогда англичанам вообще придаточные дополнительные предложения, если есть такой замечательный объектный инфинитивный оборот, который позволяет выразить ту же самую мысль гораздо проще и короче?". Дело в том, что не всякий английский глагол может принимать после себя сложное дополнение. Объектный инфинитивный оборот или сложное дополнение можно употребить только после глагола-сказуемого, отвечающего трем требованиям:

  1. Глагол-сказуемое должен быть переходным.
  2. Список переходных глаголов-сказуемых, которые принимают после себя Complex Object, строго ограничен.
  3. Даже те глаголы, что входят в этот список, делятся на те, которые принимают инфинитив с частицей to и те, которые принимают инфинитив без частицы to.

Если глагол соответствует всем трем вышеперечисленным условиям, после него можно употребить объектный инфинитивный оборот.

Вторая часть сложного дополнения может быть выражена инфинитивом или же настоящим причастием (английским причастием первого типа). Разница состоит в следующем: инфинитив в составе Complex Object обращает наше внимание на сам факт действия и его завершенность, в то время как причастие указывает на его длительность (действие в его развитии), незавершенность:

We saw the tourists cross the street. - Мы видели, как туристы перешли улицу. - употребление инфинитива указывает на факт действия и его совершенность, туристы уже перешли улицу к моменту разговора.

We saw the tourists crossing the street. - Мы видели, как туристы переходили улицу. - употребление причастия указывает на действие в развитии, туристы переходили улицу в момент разговора.

Правда, если сам глагол в составе сложного дополнения передает действие длительного характера, то различие между причастием и инфинитивом становится не так заметно и передать его средствами русского языка при переводе не удается. Если нам нужно в Complex Object передать ряд последовательных действий, то мы употребляем только инфинитив:

We saw the tourists cross the street, look around and walk into the store. - Мы видели, как туристы перешли улицу, огляделись и зашли в магазин. - последовательность действий, хоть они и передаются в развитии, все равно передается несколькими однородными инфинитивами.

Объектный инфинитивный оборот может употребляться с инфинитивом с неопределенной частицей to, а может - с инфинитивом без частицы to. Это зависит от глагола-сказуемого в предложении.

Глаголы-сказуемые, после которых Complex Object употребляется с инфинитивом с частицей to:

1. Глаголы, выражающие желание, чувства, намерения:

desire - желать
hate - ненавидеть
like - любить, нравиться
dislike - не нравиться
love - любить
prefer - предпочитать
want - хотеть
wish - желать
would/should like - желать

Инфинитив в составе Complex Object может употребляться в действительной форме (Active Infinitive), в этом случае прямое дополнение само совершает действие:

I hate him to talk to customers this way. - Мне не нравится (я ненавижу), что он разговаривает с клиентами подобным образом.

I do not like them to look into the car and [to] stare at us. - Мне не нравится, что (как) они заглядывают в машину и рассматривают нас.

I want you to come back. (разг.: I want you back.) - (Я) Хочу, чтобы ты вернулась.

The tour agent wanted them to read the guidebook. - Турагент хотел, чтобы они прочли этот путеводитель.

I wish you to be happy. - (Я) Желаю, чтобы ты был счастлив.

Инфинитив в составе Complex Object может употребляться в страдательной форме (Passive Infinitive), в этом случае действие совершается над прямым дополнением:

I want you to be remembered. - Я хочу, чтобы тебя запомнили.

I should like us to be invited to the conference. - Я хотел бы, чтобы нас пригласили на конференцию.

2. После глаголов, выражающих умственную деятельность, общее значение этих глаголов - полагать, предполагать, считать. После глаголов этой группы (кроме to expect) чаще всего употребляется инфинитив глагола-связки to be:

believe - полагать
consider - считать
declare - заявлять
expect - ожидать
find - обнаруживать
know - знать
prove - оказываться на практике
remember - помнить
suppose - полагать
think - думать
understand - понимать

We know him to be a good guide. - Мы знаем, что он хороший экскурсовод.

The guide expected us to ask that question. - Гид ожидал, что мы зададим этот вопрос.

Причем после глаголов to consider, to declare, to find, to prove инфинитив, обозначенный глаголом to be, часто опускается:

I consider him (to be) wrong. - Я считаю, что он не прав.

They declared him (to be) the winner. - Они объявили его победителем.

The idea has proven (to be) disastrous. - Идея на практике оказалась катастрофической (привела к катастрофе).

3. После глаголов, выражающих побуждение, приказ, просьбу, разрешение, предупреждение. Часто порядок слов английского предложения с этим оборотом полностью совпадает с порядком слов русского варианта этого предложения:

advise - советовать
allow - позволять
ask - просить
command - приказывать
force - принуждать
get - сделать так, чтобы
order - приказывать
permit - разрешать
recommend - рекомендовать
request - просить
tell - велеть
warn - предупреждать

Spending time in Europe allowed us to see how people in other parts of the world live. - Проведение времени в Европе позволило нам увидеть, как живут люди в других частях света.

I ask you not to be late this time. - Я прошу вас не опаздывать на этот раз.

I will get her to come. - Я заставлю ее прийти. (дословно: Я сделаю так, чтобы она пришла.)

Another told me to take an Air France shuttle which would get me to my hotel. - Другой [человек] сказал мне сесть на шаттл Эйр Франс, который доставит меня в отель.

The Ceylan Intercontinental Hotel concierges warned us to only get taxis in front of the hotel, not off the street. - Консьержи отеля Сейлан Интенконтинентал предупредили нас, чтобы мы садились в такси только перед отелем, а не ловили машину на улице.

Обращаю Ваше внимание, что Complex Object может прекрасно сочетаться с другими грамматическими конструкциями, например сослагательным наклонением прошедшего времени (Conditional Three или Past Conditional):

If you could have warned us to expect record-setting high temperatures in Paris, we would have packed differently. - Если бы вы предупредили нас, что следует ожидать рекордно высокие температуры в Париже, мы бы собрались по-другому.

Если лицо, на которое направлено приказание или разрешение, в предложении не указывается, то используется инфинитив в страдательной форме (Indefinite Passive):

She allowed her car to be taken away. - Она разрешила, чтобы ее машину убрали с этого места.

Глаголы-сказуемые, после которых Complex Object употребляется с инфинитивом без частицы to:

1. После глаголов: have и make в значении - заставлять, вынуждать, let - разрешать, позволять. Причем объектный инфинитивный оборот переводится не как обычно - дополнительным придаточным предложением, а неопределенной формой русского глагола (редкий случай, когда английский объектный инфинитивный оборот переводится на русский язык дословно):

The tourists made their tour agent change the hotel for a cleaner one. - Туристы заставили своего турагента (или турагентство - по-английски это одно и то же слово) заменить отель на более чистый.

Rick Steves's guidebook made us think Cinque Terre was worth the visit. - Путеводитель Рика Стива навел нас на мысль (дословно: заставил нас думать), что национальный парк Пять Земель стоил посещения.

Lonely Planet guidebooks have made me think Italy is a perfect choice for a romantic getaway. - Путеводители Лонли Плэнет навели нас на мысль (заставили думать), что Италия - идеальный выбор для романтического путешествия.

The cook will let us know when the dinner is ready. - Повар сообщит нам, когда ужин будет готов.

2. После глаголов, выражающих восприятие при помощи органов чувств. Как правило, мы переводим их на русский язык глаголами совершенного вида:

feel - почувствовать
hear - улышать
notice - заметить
observe - увидеть
see - увидеть
watch - заметить

Само собой, все перечисленные Выше глаголы-сказуемые в личной форме, после которых может употребляться Complex Object могут также принимать и простые дополнения, и придаточные дополнительные предложения:

We have never heard Rick speak in person, but I did watch one of his lectures - the one that comes with the full set of European videos. - Мы никогда сами не видели, как Рик выступает, но я смотрел одну из его лекций - ту, что идет с полным комплектом европейских видео. - здесь мы видим два глагола, выражающих восприятие при помощи органов чувств - hear (в форме Present Pefect have never heard) и watch (в усилительной форме Past Indefinite did watch), после первого стоит сложное дополнение, состоящее из имени собственного Rick и инфинитива speak, после второго - простое дополнение, выраженное словосочетанием one of his lectures.

Во многих случаях возможно использование как инфинитива, так и причастия - более подробно об этом мы поговорим на занятиях, посвященных непосредственно Complex Object:

As I was walking on a sidewalk, I felt someone reach / reaching for my wallet in my back pocket. When I turned around, a gypsy woman and her little girl were the ones behind me. - Когда я шел по тротуару, я почувствовал, как кто-то потянулся / тянется за моим кошельком в заднем кармане. Когда я обернулся, цыганка и ее маленькая девочка были единственными, кто находился позади меня. - в первом случае я почувствовал момент, когда потянули за кошелек, во втором - ощутил процесс вытаскивания кошелька из заднего кармана.

Helicopters in Switzerland are workhorses - you will see them in the mountains haul / hauling supplies and construction materials. - Вертолеты в Швейцарии являются рабочими лошадками - вы увидите в горах, как они перетаскивают расходные и строительные материалы. - в этом предложении обстоятельство места разрывает Complex Object - местоимение в объектном падеже them остается слева от обстоятельства in the mountains, а инфинитив (или причастие) hauling ставится уже справа.

Согласно формальным правилам английской грамматики при наличии нескольких действий в Complex Object их можно передавать только инфинитивами, но носители языка с легкостью нарушают это правило:

I felt someone touch / touching my backpack, do / doing something to it, but I could not even look back for the crowd. - Я почувствовал, как кто-то трогает мой рюкзак, что-то с ним делает, но я даже не мог обернуться из-за толпы.

Если глагол to see употребляется в значении понимать, а глагол to hear в значении узнавать (то есть не выражают физиологические чувства), то в этих случаях они не принимают сложных дополнений, и возможно лишь построение обычного дополнительного придаточного предложения:

The tourists saw their guide enter the hotel. - Туристы видели, как их экскурсовод вошел в гостиницу.

I see [that] you have read this guidebook. - Я вижу (понимаю), что вы читали этот путеводитель.

Глагол to feel может иметь значение считать, полагать, в этом случае оборот Complex Object также можно использовать, но уже с частицей to:

He felt the tourist to come back soon. - Он чувствовал / полагал, что туристы скоро вернутся.

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Пн Вт Ср Чт Пт Сб Вс
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28 29 30 31