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Chapter 5: The Basic Structure of Neuroses

An anxiety may be fully accounted for by the actual conflict situation. If, however, we find an anxiety-creating situation in a character neurosis we always have to reckon with previously existing anxieties in order to explain why in that particular instance hostility arose and was repressed. We shall find then that this previous anxiety was in turn the result of a pre-existing hostility, and so on. In order to understand how the whole development started we have to go back to childhood.

This will be one of the few occasions on which I deal with the question of childhood experiences. The reason why I shall make less reference to childhood than is customary in psychoanalytical literature is not that I think the experiences of childhood are less significant than do other psychoanalytical writers, but that in this book I am dealing with the actual structure of the neurotic personality rather than with the individual experiences leading up to it. In examining the childhood histories of great numbers of neurotic persons I have found that the common denominator in all of them is an environment showing the following characteristics in various combinations.

The basic evil is invariably a lack of genuine warmth and affection. A child can stand a great deal of what is often regarded as traumatic - such as sudden weaning, occasional beating, sex experiences - as long as inwardly he feels wanted and loved. Needless to say, a child feels keenly whether love is genuine, and cannot be fooled by any faked demonstrations. The main reason why a child does not receive enough warmth and affection lies in the parents' incapacity to give it on account of their own neuroses. More frequently than not, in my experience, the essential lack of warmth is camouflaged, and the parents claim to have in mind the child's best interest. Educational theories, oversolicitude or the self-sacrificing attitude of an "ideal" mother are the basic factors contributing to an atmosphere that more than anything else lays the cornerstone for future feelings of immense insecurity.

Furthermore, we find various actions or attitudes on the part of the parents that cannot but arouse hostility, such as preference for other children, unjust reproaches, unpredictable changes between overindulgence and scornful rejection, unfulfilled promises, and not least important, an attitude toward the child's needs, which goes through all gradations from temporary inconsideration to a consistent interfering with the most legitimate wishes of the child, such as disturbing friendships, ridiculing independent thinking, spoiling its interest in its own pursuits, whether artistic, athletic or mechanical - altogether an attitude of the parents, which if not in intention nevertheless in effect means breaking the child's will.

In psychoanalytic literature concerning the factors that arouse a child's hostility the main emphasis is placed on frustration of the child's wishes, particularly those in the sexual sphere, and on jealousy. It is possible that infantile hostility arises in part because of the forbidding cultural attitude toward pleasure in general and infantile sexuality in particular, whether the latter concerns sexual curiosity, masturbation or sexual games with other children. But frustration is certainly not the only source of a rebellious hostility. Observation shows beyond any doubt that children, as well as adults, can accept a great many deprivations if they feel the deprivations to be just, fair, necessary or purposeful. A child does not mind education for cleanliness, for example, if the parents do not put an undue stress on it and do not coerce the child with subtle or gross cruelty. Nor does a child mind an occasional punishment, provided it feels certain in general of being loved and provided it feels the punishment to be fair and not done with the intention of hurting it or humiliating it. The question of whether frustration as such incites to hostility is difficult to judge, because in surroundings, which impose many deprivations on a child plenty of other provocative factors are usually present. What matters is the spirit in which frustrations are imposed rather than the frustrations themselves.

The reason I stress this point is that the emphasis often placed on the danger of frustration as such has led many parents to carry the idea still farther than did Freud himself and to shrink from any interference with the child lest he might be harmed by it.

Jealousy can certainly be a source of formidable hatred in children as well as in adults. There is no doubt about the role that jealousy between siblings and jealousy of one or the other parent may play in neurotic children, or about the lasting influence this attitude may have for later life. The question does arise, however, as to the conditions which generate this jealousy. Are jealous reactions as they are observed in sibling rivalry and in the Oedipus complex bound to arise in every child, or are they provoked by definite conditions.

Freud's observations concerning the Oedipus complex were made on neurotic persons. In them he found that high-pitched jealousy reactions concerning one of the parents were sufficiently destructive in kind to arouse fear and likely to exert lasting disturbing influences on character formation and personal relations. Observing this phenomenon frequently in neurotic per sons of our time, he assumed it to be universal. Not only did he assume the Oedipus complex to be the very kernel of neuroses, but also he tried to understand complex phenomena in other cultures on this basis. It is this generalization that is doubtful. Some jealousy reactions do arise easily in our culture in the relations between siblings as well as in those between parents and children, as they occur in every group living closely together. But there is no evidence that destructive and lasting jealousy reactions - and it is these we think of when talking of the Oedipus complex or of sibling rivalry - are in our culture, not to speak of other cultures, so common as Freud assumes. They are in general human reactions but are artificially generated through the atmosphere in which a child grows up.

Which factors in detail are responsible for generating jealousy we shall understand later when discussing the general implications of neurotic jealousy. Suffice it to mention here the lack of warmth and the spirit of competitiveness, which contribute to this result. Besides, neurotic parents who create the kind of atmosphere we have discussed are usually discontented with their lives, have no satisfactory emotional or sexual relations and hence are inclined to make children the objects of their love. They loose their need for affection on the children. Their expression of affection has not always a sexual coloring, but at any rate it is highly charged emotionally. I doubt very much that the sexual undercurrents in the child's relations to the parents would ever be strong enough to effect a potential disturbance. At any rate, I know of no case in which it was not neurotic parents who by terror and tenderness forced the child into these passionate attachments, with all the implications of possessiveness and jealousy described by Freud.

We are accustomed to believe that a hostile opposition to the family or to some member of it is unfortunate for the development of a child. It is unfortunate, of course, if the child has to fight against the actions of neurotic parents. If there are good reasons for opposition, however, the danger for the child's character formation lies not so much in feeling or expressing a protest, but in repressing it. There are several dangers arising from the repression of criticism, protest or accusations, and one is that the child is likely to take all the blame on itself and feel unworthy of love; the implications of this situation we shall discuss later. The danger that concerns us here is that repressed hostility may create anxiety and start the development we have discussed.

There are several reasons, effective in various degrees and combinations, why a child who grows up in such an atmosphere will repress hostility: helplessness, fear, love or feelings of guilt.

The helplessness of a child is often considered merely as a biological fact. Though the child is for long years factually dependent on its environment for the fulfilment of its needs - having less physical strength and less experience than the grown-ups - there is nevertheless too much emphasis on the biological aspect of the question. After the first two or three years of life there is a decided change from the prevailingly biological dependence to a kind of dependence that includes the mental, intellectual and spiritual life of the child. This continues until the child matures into early adulthood and is able to take life into its own hands. There are great individual differences, though, in the degree to which children remain dependent on their parents. It all depends on what the parents try to achieve in the education of their offspring: whether the tendency is to make a child strong, courageous, independent, capable of dealing with all sorts of situations, or whether the main tendency is to shelter the child, to make it obedient, to keep it ignorant of life as it is, or in short to infantilize it up to twenty years of age or longer. In children growing up under adverse conditions helplessness is usually artificially reinforced by intimidation, by babying or by bringing and keeping the child in a stage of emotional dependence. The more helpless a child is made the less will it dare to feel or show opposition, and the longer will such opposition be delayed. In this situation the underlying feeling - or what we may call the motto - is: I have to repress my hostility because I need you.

Fear may be aroused directly by threats, prohibitions and punishments, and by outbreaks of temper or violent scenes witnessed by a child; it may be aroused also by indirect intimidation, such as impressing the child with the great dangers of life - germs, street cars, strangers, uneducated children, climbing trees. The more apprehensive a child is made the less will it dare to show or even to feel hostility. Here the motto is: I have to repress my hostility because I am afraid of you.

Love may be another reason for repressing hostility. When genuine affection is absent there is often a great verbal emphasis on how much the parents love the child and how they would sacrifice for him up to the last drop of their blood. A child, particularly if otherwise intimidated, may cling to this substitute for love and fear to be rebellious lest it lose the reward for being docile. In such situations the motto is: I have to repress hostility for fear of losing love.

Thus far we have discussed situations in which a child represses his hostility against the parents because he is afraid that any expression of it would spoil his relations to the parents. He is motivated by plain fear that these powerful giants would desert him, withdraw their reassuring benevolence or turn against him. In addition, in our culture a child is usually made to feel guilty for any feelings or expressions of hostility or opposition; that is, he is made to feel unworthy or contemptible in his own eyes if he either expresses or feels resentment against the parents or if he breaks rules set up by them. These two reasons for feelings of guilt are closely interrelated. The more a child is made to feel guilty about trespassing on forbidden territory the less will he dare to feel spiteful or accusatory toward the parents.

In our culture the sexual sphere is the one in which guilt feelings are most frequently stimulated. Whether prohibitions are expressed by audible silence or by open threats and punishment, a child frequently comes to feel not only that sexual curiosity and activities are forbidden but that he is dirty and despicable if he indulges in them. If there are any sexual fantasies and wishes concerning one of the parents, these, too, though they remain unexpressed as a result of the forbidding attitude toward sexuality in general, are likely to make a child feel guilty. In this situation the motto is: I have to repress hostility because I would be a bad child if I felt hostile.

In various combinations any of the factors mentioned may bring a child to repress his hostility and eventually produce anxiety.

But does every infantile anxiety necessarily lead ultimately to a neurosis? Our knowledge is not advanced enough to answer this question adequately. My belief is that infantile anxiety is a necessary factor but not a sufficient cause for the development of a neurosis. It seems that favorable circumstances, such as an early change of surroundings or counteracting influences of any sort, may forestall a definite neurotic development. If, however, as frequently happens, living conditions are not of a kind to diminish the anxiety, then not only may this anxiety persist, but - as we shall see later - it is bound gradually to increase and to set in motion all the processes which constitute a neurosis.

Among the factors that may influence the further development of infantile anxiety there is one that I want to consider especially. It makes a great difference whether the reaction of hostility and anxiety is restricted to the surroundings which forced the child into it, or whether it develops into an attitude of hostility and anxiety toward people in general.

If a child is fortunate enough to have, for example, a loving grandmother, an understanding teacher, some good friends, his experience with them may prevent him from expecting nothing but bad from everybody. But the more difficult are his experiences in the family, the more will a child be inclined to develop not only a reaction of hatred toward the parents and other children but a distrustful or spiteful attitude toward everyone. The more a child is isolated and deterred from making other experiences of his own, the more such a development will be fostered. And finally, the more a child covers up his grudge against his own family, as for instance by conforming with his parents' attitudes, the more he projects his anxiety to the outside world and thus becomes convinced that the "world" in general is dangerous and frightening.

The general anxiety concerning the "world" may also develop or increase gradually. A child who has grown up in the kind of atmosphere described will not dare in his own contacts with others to be as enterprising or pugnacious as they. He will have lost the blissful certainty of being wanted and will take even a harmless teasing as a cruel rejection. He will be wounded and hurt more easily than others and will be less capable of defending himself.

The condition that is fostered or brought about by the factors I have mentioned, or by similar factors, is an insidiously increasing, all-pervading feeling of being lonely and helpless in a hostile world. The acute individual reactions to individual provocations crystallize into a character attitude. This attitude as such does not constitute a neurosis but it is the nutritive soil out of which a definite neurosis may develop at any time. Because of the fundamental role this attitude plays in neuroses I have given it a special designation: the basic anxiety; it is inseparably interwoven with a basic hostility.

In psychoanalysis, working through all the different individual forms of anxiety, one gradually recognizes the fact that the basic anxiety underlies all relationships to people. While the individual anxieties may be stimulated by actual cause, the basic anxiety continues to exist even though there is no particular stimulus in the actual situation. If the whole neurotic picture were compared to a state of political unrest in a nation, the basic anxiety and basic hostility would be similar to the underlying dissatisfactions with and protests against the regime. Surface manifestations may be entirely missing in either case, or they may appear in diversified forms. In the state they may appear as riots, strikes, assemblies, demonstrations; in the psychological sphere, too, the forms of anxiety may manifest themselves in symptoms of all sorts. Regardless of the particular provocation, all manifestations of the anxiety emanate from one common background.

In simple situation neuroses the basic anxiety is lacking. They are constituted by neurotic reactions to actual conflict situations on the part of individuals whose personal relations are undisturbed. The following may serve as an example of these cases as they frequently occur in a psychotherapeutic practice.

A woman of forty-five complained about heart - pounding and anxiety states at night, with profuse perspiration. There were no organic findings, and all the evidence suggested that she was a healthy person. The impression she gave was of a warmhearted and straightforward woman. Twenty years before, for reasons which lay not so much in herself as in the situation, she had married a man twenty-five years older than she. She had been very happy with him, had been satisfied sexually, had three children who had developed exceptionally well. She had been diligent and capable in housekeeping. In the past five or six years her husband had become somewhat cranky and sexually less potent, but she had endured this without any neurotic reaction. The trouble had started seven months before, when a likable, marriageable man of her own age had begun to pay her personal attention. What had happened was that she had developed a resentment against her aging husband but had entirely repressed this feeling for reasons that were very strong in view of her whole mental and social background and the basically good marriage relationship. With a little help in a few interviews she was able to face the conflict situation squarely and thereby rid herself of her anxiety.

Nothing can better indicate the importance of basic anxiety than a comparison of individual reactions in cases of character neurosis with those in cases, like the one just cited, which belong to the group of simple situation neuroses. The latter are found in healthy persons who for understandable reasons are incapable of solving a conflict situation consciously, that is, they are unable to face the existence and the nature of the conflict and hence are incapable of making a clear decision. One of the outstanding differences between the two types of neuroses is the great facility of therapeutic results in the situation neurosis. In character neuroses therapeutic treatment has to proceed under great difficulties and consequently extends over a long period of time, sometimes too long a period for the patient to wait to be cured; but the situation neurosis is comparatively easily solved. An understanding discussion of the situation is often not only a symptomatic but also a causal therapy. In other cases the causal therapy is the removal of the difficulty by changing the environment.

Thus while in situation neuroses we have the impression of an adequate relation between conflict situation and neurotic reaction, this relation seems to be missing in character neuroses. Because of the existing basic anxiety, the slightest provocation may elicit the most intense reaction, as we shall see later in more detail.

Although the range of manifest forms of anxiety, or the protection against it, is infinite and varies with each individual, the basic anxiety is more or less the same everywhere, varying only in extent and intensity. It may be roughly described as a feeling of being small, insignificant, helpless, deserted, endangered, in a world that is out to abuse, cheat, attack, humiliate, betray, envy. One patient of mine expressed this feeling in a picture she drew spontaneously, in which she was sitting ill the midst of a scene as a tiny, helpless, naked baby, surrounded by all sorts of menacing monsters, human and animal, ready to attack her.

In psychoses one will often find a rather high degree of awareness of the existence of such an anxiety. In paranoid patients this anxiety is restricted to one or several definite persons; in schizophrenic patients there is often a keen awareness of the potential hostility of the world around them, so much so that they are inclined to take even a kindness shown to them as implying potential hostility.

In neuroses, however, there is rarely an awareness of the existence of the basic anxiety, or of the basic hostility, at least not of the weight and significance it has for the entire life. A patient of mine who saw herself in a dream as a small mouse that had to hide in a hole in order not to be stepped upon - and thereby gave an absolutely true picture of how she acted in life - had not the remotest idea that factually she was frightened of everyone, and told me she did not know what anxiety was. A basic distrust toward everyone may be covered up by a superficial conviction that people in general are quite likable, and it may coexist with perfunctorily good relations with others; an existing deep contempt for everyone may be camouflaged by a readiness to admire.

Although the basic anxiety concerns people it may be entirely divested of its personal character and transformed into a feeling of being endangered by thunderstorms, political events, germs, accidents, canned food, or to a feeling of being doomed by fate. It is not difficult for the trained observer to recognize the basis of these attitudes, but it always requires intense psychoanalytic work before the neurotic person himself recognizes that his anxiety does not really concern germs and the like, but people, and that his irritation against people is not, or is not only, an adequate and justified reaction to some actual provocation, but that he has become basically hostile toward others, distrustful of them.

Before describing the implications of the basic anxiety for neuroses we have to discuss one question which is probably in the minds of many readers. Is not the attitude of basic anxiety and hostility toward people, described as an essential constituent of neuroses, a "normal" attitude which secretly all of us have, though perhaps in a lesser degree? When considering this question one has to distinguish two points of view.

If "normal" is used in the sense of a general human attitude, one could say that the basic anxiety has indeed a normal corollary in what German philosophical and religious language has termed the Angst der Kreatur. What the phrase expresses is that factually all of us are helpless toward forces more powerful than ourselves, such as death, illness, old age, catastrophes of nature, political events, accidents. The first time we recognize this is in the helplessness of childhood, but the knowledge remains with us for our entire life. This anxiety of the Kreatur has in common with the basic anxiety the element of the helplessness toward greater powers, but it does not connote hostility on the part of those powers.

If "normal" is used, however, in the sense of normal for our culture, one could say this much: in general experience will lead a person in our culture, provided his life is not too sheltered, to become more reserved toward people as he reaches maturity, to be more cautious in trusting them, more familiar with the fact that often people's actions are not straightforward but are determined by cowardice and expediency. If he is an honest person he will include himself; if not he will see all of this more clearly in others. In short he develops an attitude which is definitely akin to the basic anxiety. There are these differences, however: the healthy mature person does not feel helpless toward these human failings and there is in him none of the indiscriminateness that is found in the basic neurotic attitude. He retains the capacity of bestowing a good deal of genuine friendliness and confidence on some people. Perhaps the differences are to be accounted for by the fact that the healthy person made the bulk of h

is unfortunate experiences at an age when he could integrate them, while the neurotic person made them at an age when he could not master them, and as a consequence of his helplessness reacted to them with anxiety.

The basic anxiety has definite implications for the person's attitude toward himself and others. It means emotional isolation, all the harder to bear as it concurs with a feeling of intrinsic weakness of the self. It means a weakening of the very foundation of self-confidence. It carries the germ for a potential conflict between the desire to rely on others, and the impossibility to do so because of deep distrust of and hostility toward them. It means that because of intrinsic weakness the person feels a desire to put all responsibility upon others, to be protected and taken care of, whereas because of the basic hostility there is much too much distrust to carry out this desire. And invariably the consequence is that he has to put the greatest part of his energies into securing reassurance.

The more unbearable the anxiety the more thorough the protective means have to be. There are in our culture four principal ways in which a person tries to protect himself against the basic anxiety: affection, submissiveness, power, withdrawal.

First, securing affection in any form may serve as a powerful protection against anxiety. The motto is: If you love me you will not hurt me.

Second, submissiveness can be roughly subdivided according to whether or not it concerns definite persons or institutions. There is such a definite focus, for example, in submission to standardized traditional views, to the rites of some religion or to the demands of some powerful person. To obey these rules or comply with these demands will be the determining motive for all behavior. This attitude may take the form of having to he "good," although the connotation of "good" varies with the demands or the rules that are complied with.

When the attitude of compliance is not attached to any institution or person it takes the more generalized form of compliance with the potential wishes of all persons and avoidance of everything that might arouse resentment. In such cases the individual represses all demands of his own, represses criticism of others, is willing to let himself be abused without defending himself and is ready to be indiscriminately helpful to others. Occasionally people are aware of the fact that anxiety underlies their actions, but usually they are not at all aware of this fact and firmly believe they act as they do because of an ideal of unselfishness or self-sacrifice which goes so far as a renunciation of their own wishes. In both the definite and the general forms of submissiveness the motto is: If I give in, I shall not be hurt.

The submissive attitude may also serve the purpose of securing reassurance by affection. If affection is so important to a person that his feeling of security in life depends on it, then he is willing to pay any price for it, and in the main this means complying with the wishes of others. Frequently, however, a person is unable to believe in any affection, and then his complying attitude is directed not toward winning affection but toward winning protection. There are persons who can feel secure only by rigid submission. In them the anxiety is so great and the disbelief in affection so complete that the possibility of affection does not enter at all.

A third attempt at protection against the basic anxiety is through power - trying to achieve security by gaining factual power or success, or possession, or admiration, or intellectual superiority. In this attempt at protection the motto is: If I have power, no one can hurt me.

The fourth means of protection is withdrawal. The preceding groups of protective devices have in common a willingness to contend with the world, to cope with it in one way or another. Protection can also be found, however, by withdrawing from the world. This does not mean going into a desert or into complete seclusion; it means achieving independence of others as they affect either one's external or one's internal needs. Independence in regard to external needs may be achieved, for example, by piling up possessions. This motivation for possession is entirely different from the motivation for the sake of power or influence, and the use made of the possessions is likewise different. Where possessions are amassed for the sake of independence there is usually too much anxiety to enjoy them, and they are guarded with an attitude of parsimony because the only objective is to be safeguarded against all eventualities. Another means that serves the same purpose of becoming externally independent of others is a restriction of one's needs to a minimum.

Independence in regard to internal needs may be found, for example, by an attempt to become emotionally detached from people so that nothing will hurt or disappoint one. It means choking off one's emotional needs. One expression of such detachment is the attitude of not taking anything seriously, including one's Helf, an attitude often found in intellectual circles. Not taking one's self seriously is not to be confounded with not thinking one's self important. In fact these attitudes may be mutually contradictory.

These devices of withdrawal have a similarity with the devices of submissiveness or compliance, inasmuch as both involve a renunciation of one's own wishes. But while in the latter group renunciation is in the service of being "good" or of complying with the desires of others in order to feel safe, in the former group the idea of being "good" plays no role at all, and the object of renunciation is attaining independence of others. Here the motto is: If I withdraw, nothing can hurt me.

In order to evaluate the role played in neuroses by these various attempts at protection against the basic anxiety it is necessary to realize their potential intensity. They are prompted not by a wish to satisfy a desire for pleasure or happiness, but by a need for reassurance. This does not mean, however, that they are in any way less powerful or less imperative than instinctual drives. Experience shows that the impact of a striving for ambition, for instance, may be equally as strong as or even stronger than a sexual impulse.

Any one of these four devices, pursued exclusively or predominantly, can be effective in bringing the reassurance wanted, if the life situation allows its pursuit without incurring conflicts - even though such a one-sided pursuit is usually paid for with an impoverishment of the personality as a whole. For example, a woman following the path of submissiveness may find peace and a great deal of secondary satisfaction in a culture which requires from a woman obedience to family or husband and compliance with the traditional forms. If it is a monarch who develops a restless striving for power and possession, the result again may be reassurance and a successful life. As a matter of fact, however, a straightforward pursuit of one goal will often fail to fulfill its purpose because the demands set up are so excessive or so inconsiderate that they involve conflicts with the surroundings. More frequently reassurance from a great underlying anxiety is sought not in one way only, but in several ways which, moreover, are incompatible with one another. Thus the neurotic person may at the same time be driven imperatively toward dominating everyone and wanting to be loved by everyone, toward complying with others and imposing his will on them, toward detachment from people and a craving for their affection. It is these utterly unsoluble conflicts which are most often the dynamic center of neuroses.

The two attempts which most frequently clash are the striving for affection and the striving for power. Therefore in the following chapters I shall discuss these in greater detail.

The structure of neuroses as I have described it is not, in principle, contradictory to Freud's theory that in the main neuroses are the result of a conflict between instinctual drives and social demands, or their representation in the "super ego". But while I agree that the conflict between individual strivings and social pressure is an indispensable condition for every neurosis, I do not believe it is a sufficient condition. The clash between individual desires and social requirements does not necessarily bring about neuroses, but may just as well lead to factual restrictions in life, that is, to the simple suppression or repression of desires or, in most general terms, to factual suffering. A neurosis is brought about only if this conflict generates anxiety and if the attempts to allay anxiety lead in turn to defensive tendencies, which, although equally imperative, are nevertheless incompatible with one another.

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Английская грамматика для начинающих. Настоящее длительное или продолженное время в английском языке (Present Continuous или The Present Progressive Tense) Schedule0302ElGr03

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В английском языке для продолженных, еще не законченных действий в настоящем времени употребляется Present Continuous. Примеры:

Chris is eating. He isn’t reading. Крис ест. Он не читает.
It’s not raining. The sun is shining. Дождь не идет. Солнце светит.
Steve and Alice are running. They aren’t walking. Стив и Элис бегут. Они не идут пешком.
Местоимение Глагол TO BE Глагол + -ing
I am (not) doing
he/she/it is (not)
we/you/they are (not)

Таблица: Present Continuous

Здесь глагол to be выступает в качестве связки, являясь вспомогательным, а основной смысловой глагол приобретает окончание ing. Еще несколько примеров:

I’m eating. Я ем.
Daniel is reading a book. Дэниел читает книгу.
She isn’t working (She’s not working). Она не работает.
The telephone is ringing. Телефон звонит.
We’re having breakfast. Мы завтракаем.
You’re not listening to me (You aren’t …). Ты меня не слушаешь.
The children are playing football. Дети играют в футбол.


am/is/are + -ing = Событие, происходящее сейчас, в данный момент времени:

Настоящее длительное время Present Continuous подразумевает, что действие уже началось в прошлом, продолжается сейчас и наверняка продолжится в будущем.

Please be quiet. I’m working (= I’m working now). Пожалуйста, тише. Я работаю (сейчас).
Look at Jane! She’s wearing her new dress (= wearing it now). Посмотрите на Джейн. Она надела свое новое платье (идет в нем сейчас).
The weather is great at the moment. It’s not raining. В настоящий момент погода отличная. Дождя нет.
Where are the children? They’re playing on the beach. Где дети? Они играют на пляже.
(on the phone) We’re having lunch now. Can you phone again later? Мы сейчас обедаем. Можете перезвонить позже?
I’m watching TV. You can join me. Я смотрю телевизор. Можешь присоединиться.

Морфология в Present Continuous:

come - coming; write - writing; dance - dancing
run - running; sit - sitting; swim - swimming
lie - lying

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Psychometrics - Методы количественной оценки психических явлений

Задание No 1 - Questions 1-13

You are advised to spend about 20 minutes on Questions 1-13:

  1. Psychometrics involves psychological and educational assessment of the subject by way of measuring attitudes, personality, abilities and knowledge. The field has two primary focuses; the creation of measurement instruments and procedures and development and enhancement of existing methodology employed.

  2. Методы количественной оценки психических явлений включают в себя психологическую и образовательную оценку субъекта путем измерения отношений, личности, способностей и знаний. Эта сфера имеет две основных задачи: создание инструментов и процедур измерений и развитие и улучшение используемой существующей методологии.

  3. The concept of psychometric testing, introduced long before the establishment of IQ testing and other current methodologies, was first explored by Francis Galton who developed the first testing procedures supposedly related to intelligence; however, his measurement tools were in fact based upon physical and physiological benchmarks rather than testing of the mind itself. Measurements included the physical power, height and weight of subjects which were recorded and results used to estimate the intelligence of subjects. While the approach was not successful, the studies conducted by Galton were to influence the work of future researchers. \ Approaches to measurement of intelligence, which is defined as the mind's relative ability to reason, think, conceptually plan, solve problems, understand and learn, were later developed by pioneers such as Charles Spearman. Significant contributions to its early development were also made by Wilhelm Wundt, L.L. Thurstone, Ernst Heinrich Weber and Gustav Fechner.

  4. Концепция тестирования с целью количественной оценки психических явлений, введенная задолго для появления тестирования на коэффициент интеллекта и других современных методик, была впервые открыта Францисом Гальтоном, который разработал первые процедуры тестирования, предположительно относящиеся к уровню умственного развития; однако его измерительные инструменты были на самом деле основаны в большей мере на физических и физиологических параметрах, нежели на тестировани ума самого по себе. Измерения включали в себя физическую силу, рост и вес субъектов, которые записывались, и результаты использовались с целью оценки уровня интеллектуального развития субъектов. Хотя этот подход не был успешным, исследованиям, проведенным Гальтоном, было суждено повлиять на работу будущих исследователей. Подходы к измерению умственного развития, которое определяется как относительная способность мышления к установлению причинно-следственых связей, обдумывать, копцептуально планировать, решать проблемы, понимать и обучаться, были позже разработаны первопроходцами такими, как Чарльз Спеармэн. Существенный вклад в ранее развитие этой теории были также сделаны Вильгельмом Вундтом, Л.Л. Сарстоном, Эрнстом Генрихом Вебером и Густавом Фечнером.

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  5. The most well known traditional approach to development of psychometric instruments to measure intelligence is the Stanford-Binet IQ test, originally developed by French psychologist Alfred Binet. Researchers define intelligence as separate to other attributes such as personality, character, creativity and even knowledge and wisdom for the purpose of their assessment. Intelligence testing methods are not intended to determine a level of genetic intelligence separate from and unaffected by the environment to which the individual has been exposed to in life; rather to measure the intelligence of an individual apparent as a result of both nature and nurture. Psychometrics is today a useful and widely used tool used for measurement of abilities in academic areas such as reading, writing and mathematics.

  6. Наиболее хорошо известный подход к развитию психометрических инструментов для измерения интеллекта - это тест Станфорда-Бинета на коэффициент интеллекта, изначально разработанный французским психологом Альфредом Бинетом. Исследователи определяют интеллект как отдельное от других свойство [человека], таких как личность, характер, творческое начало и даже знания и мудрость с целью их оценки. Методики тестирования интеллекта не нацелены на определение уровня врожденного умственного развития в отрыве от и безотносительно к среде, воздействию которой подвергался человек в течение жизни: они, скорее, ориентированы на измерение интеллекта человека как [суммарного] результата [складывающегося из] природных данных и воспитания. Психометрия является сегодня полезным и широко используемым инструментом, используемым для измерения способностей в таких учебных сферах, как чтение, письмо и математика.

  7. IQ tests are commonly used to test intelligence, though some believe that this testing is unfair and not truly representative of the subject's intellect as individuals may excel in different areas of reasoning. Psychologist Howard Gardner, working on this assumption, introduced the concept of an individual cognitive profile in 1983 in his book Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences. He holds that one child may perform excellently in one aspect, yet fail in another and that their overall performance in a number of intellectual areas should be considered. Gardner first identified seven different types of intelligence, these being; linguistic, logical-mathematical, spatial, bodily-kinesthetic, musical, interpersonal and intrapersonal. In 1999 after further research he added an 8th element to the equation; naturalistic intelligence, and at the time of writing is investigating the possibility of a 9th; this being existential intelligence.

  8. Тесты на коэффициент интеллекта широко используются для измерения уровня умственного развития, хотя некоторые убеждены, что данное тестирование является несправедливым и не является в полной мере отражающим интеллект субъекта, так как [разные] люди могут добиваться отличных результатов в разных сферах логического мышления. Психолог Говард Гарднер, работая над этим предположением, ввел понятие индивидуального познавательного профиля (дословно: личного дела) в 1983 году в своей книге Границы сознания: теория множественных аспектов умственного развития. Он придерживается мысли, что один ребенок может отлично проявлять себя в одном аспекте, однако не добиваться успеха в другом, и необходимо рассматривать суммарный показатель в различных сферах умственной деятельности. Гарднер поначалу выявил семь различных типов интеллекта, которыми являлись: лингвистический, логико-математический, пространственный, телесно-кинестетический, музыкальный, межличностный и внутриличностный. В 1999 году после дальнейших исследований он добавил 8-й элемент в уравнение: естественный интеллект, и на момент написания [этой статьи] исследует возможность [наличия] 9-го: на этот раз экзистенциального интеллекта.

  9. The first intelligence as defined by Gardner in the Theory of Multiple Intelligences, linguistic intelligence, relates to an individual's ability to process and communicate written and spoken words. Such people are said to excel at reading, writing, story-telling, learning a foreign language and the memorising of words and dates. The logical-mathematical category is related to a person's ability to reason logically, think scientifically, make deductions and perform well in mathematic calculations. Spatial intelligence is related to vision and spatial judgement; such individuals have been observed to have a strong visual memory and the potential to excel in artistic subjects. Those exhibiting a leaning towards the third classification, bodily-kinesthetic intelligence, often learn best by physically practising an action rather than by reading or seeing.

  10. Первый тип интеллекта, как его определяет Гарднер в теории множественных интеллектов, лингвистический интеллект, относится к способности человека обрабатывать и передавать [смысл] слов на письме и в устной речи. Про таких людей говорят, что они добиваются исключительных успехов в чтении, письме, рассказе историй, изучении иностранных языков и запоминании слов и дат. Логико-математическая категория относится к способности человека логически устанавливать причинно-следственные связи, думать научно, делать выводы и показывать хорошие результаты в математических вычислениях. Пространственный интеллект относится к визуальной оценке и видению пространства: у таких людей наблюдается отличная зрительная память и потенциал к прекрасным результатом в художественных дисциплинах. Те, кто демонстрируют склонность к третьей классификации, телесно-кинестетическому интеллекту, часто лучше всего обучаются путем физического повторения действия, нежели чем через чтение или рассматривание.

  11. Musical intelligence, as the name suggests, relates to ability in defining differences in rhythm and tones; individuals possessing musical intelligence are often able to sing, play musical instruments and compose music to a high standard. Since a high level of audio-related ability exists, many in this category are said to learn well in a lecture situation where they are required to listen attentively to information. Interpersonal intelligence relates to an individual's ability to communicate and empathise with others; typically extrovert, they learn well through discussion, debate and interaction with others. The last of the 7 original categories identified by Gardner, intrapersonal intelligence, fits the opposite description of interpersonal intelligence; such individuals working best independently. According to Gardner they are capable of high levels of self-reflection and are often perfectionists.

  12. Музыкальный интеллект, как предполагает название, относится к способности определять различия в ритме и тонах: люди, обладающие музыкальным интеллектом, часто способны петь, играть на музыкальных инструментах и сочинять музыку в соответствии с высокими стандартами. Так как существует высокий уровень способностей, относящихся к звукам, говорят, что многие из этой категории способны хорошо обучаться в ситуации лекции, где от них требуется слушать информацию внимательно. Межличностный интеллект относится к индивидуальным способностям общаться с другими и эмпатировать им: обычно экстраверты, они хорошо обучаются в дискусии, споре и взаимодействии с другими. Последняя из семи категорий, определенных Гарднером, внутриличностный интеллект, является противоположностью межличностного интеллекта: такие люди лучше работают назависимо. Согласно Гарднеру они способны к высокой степени самоанализа и часто являются перфекционистами.

  13. A number of psychometric experts, however, oppose Gardner's views and have reservations about the validity of his theories. Firstly, some detractors disagree with the overall definition of intelligence used in Gardner's theory. They hold that, in fact, some categories such as interpersonal or intrapersonal intelligence relate more to personality than cognitive performance. The more recently identified naturalistic intelligence, which relates to an affinity to the natural world and an ability to nurture and cultivate, has been dismissed completely by many as no more than a hobby. Doubts have been raised that others, such as musical intelligence, are in reality talents. A final criticism attached to the theory is that some believe that the intelligences cannot be treated as separate entities as some individuals may perform equally well in what could be considered diverse areas; linguistic and logical-mathematical for example. Gardner however maintains that his theories are sound, since an identifiable and separate part of the brain is responsible for controlling aspects related to each of the different types of intelligence.

  14. Многие эксперты в области психометрии, однако, возражают взглядам Гарднера и имеют сомнения (дословно: имеют сдержанное отношение) относительно состоятельности его теорий. Во-первых, некоторые противники не согласны с общим определением интеллекта, используемым в теории Гарднера. Они утверждают что, на самом деле, некоторые категории, такие как межличностный или внутриличностный интеллект относятся в большей степени к [свойствам] личности, нежели чем к способностям к познанию. Выявленный в последнюю очередь природный интеллект, который относится к близости к природному миру и к способности выращивать [растения] и обрабатывать [землю], был отклонен многими, которые не считают его чем-то большим, чем просто хобби. Появились сомнения, что другие [виды интеллекта], такие, как музыкальный интеллект, являются на самом деле талантами. Заключительный пункт критики, касающийся (дословно: присоединенный к) этой теории состоит в том, что некоторые считают, что различные виды интеллекта не могут рассматриваться как разные сущности, так как некоторые люди могут одинаково хорошо себя проявлять в том, что считается совершенно разными сферами: лингвистической и логико-математической, например. Гарднер, однако, настаивает на том, что его теории являются действенными, так как идентифицируемая и отдельная часть мозга отвечает за контроль аспектов, относящихся к каждой из различных групп интеллекта.

  15. Despite the criticism received from some of his contemporaries, Gardner's theories are well respected and often applied in the world of education as a tool for identifying children's differing abilities and potential career paths. For instance, those showing linguistic capabilities are said to be ideal in roles including writing, politics and teaching; logical-mathematical thinkers suited to careers in science, mathematics, law, medicine and philosophy. Those exhibiting spatial intelligence are said to be suited to a career such as art, engineering or architecture; while individuals with a leaning towards bodily-kinesthetic intelligence may excel in areas such as athletics, dancing or craft-making. Strengths in the area of musical intelligence are said to often lead to success as a singer, conductor or musician. Those displaying strong interpersonal skills have been recognised as often making effective politicians, managers, diplomats and social workers; while those showing a dominant intrapersonal intelligence are said to be better suited to professions involving more self-reflection and lower levels of interaction with the outside world such as writing, philosophy or theology.

  16. Несмотря на критику со стороны (дословно: получаемую со стороны - переводим английское прошедшее причастие настоящим временем, как как глагол-сказуемое стоит в форме настоящего времени are well respected) своих современников, теории Гарднера являются сильно уважаемыми и часто применяются в сфере образования в качестве средства для идентификации различающихся способностей детей и потенциальных карьерных путей. Например, считается, что те [дети], которые демонстрируют лингвистические способности, будут идеальными (обращаю на Complex Subject или сложное подлежащее - английское сказуемое переводим русским безличным предложением, а английский инфинитив становится подлежащим в придаточном предложении) в ролях, включающих письмо (работу писателем), политическую деятельность и преподавание; логико-математические мыслители (как говорят) подходят для карьеры в науке, математике, юридической сфере, медицицине и философии. Говорят, что те [дети], которые демонстрируют пространственный интеллект (опять Complex Subject - сложное подлежащее!) подходят для карьеры в искусстве, машиностроении и архитектуре; в то время, как личности со склонностью к телесно-кинестетическому интеллекту могут с высокой степенью вероятности добиться успеха в таких сферах, как физическая культура, танцы или художественные ремесла. Считается, что сильные стороны (обращаю внимание на исчисляемую форму неисчисляемого существительного strength - это уже не неисчисляемая сила, а исчисляемые сильные стороны) в сфере музыкального интеллекта часто приводят к успеху (и опять инфинитивный субъектный оборот или сложное подлежащее) в качестве певца, дирижера или музыканта. Признается к настоящему моменту (опять Complex Subject!), что те [дети], которые демонстрируют сильные межличностные навыки, часто становятся (глагол make с одушевленным прямым дополнением переводится как становиться кем-либо) эффективныи политиками, менеджерами, дипломатами и социальными работниками; говорят, что те, кто демонстрирует доминирующий внутриличностный интеллект, лучше подходят для профессий, включающих в большей спепени ауторефлексию и меньшие уровни взаимодействия с окружающим миром, такие, как письмо (работа писателем), философия или теология.

Задание No 2 - Questions 27-31

You are advised to spend about 6 minutes on Questions 27-31. Reading Passage 3 has eight paragraphs A-H. Which paragraph contains the following information? Write the correct letter A-H in boxes 27-31 on your answer sheet. You may use any letter more than once.

  1. Physiological evidence from Gardner that his intelligence theories are sound ...
  2. Aims of intelligence testing ...
  3. Initial failure in successful measurement ...
  4. How high level social skills are linked and classified as interpersonal intelligence ...
  5. Differences in opinions on what constitutes talent or intelligence ...

Задание No 3 - Questions 32-37

You are advised to spend about 7 minutes on Questions 32-37. Do the following statements agree with the information given in reading passage 3?

In boxes 32-37 on your answer sheet write T if the statement is True
Write F if the statement is False
Write N if the statement is Not Given

  1. Early studies into intelligence were misguided and have had no impact on today's methods.
  2. True / False / Not Given

  3. Research into I.Q. is designed to determine the level of intelligence an individual is born with.
  4. True / False / Not Given

  5. Howard Gardner has confirmed 9 different types of intelligence.
  6. True / False / Not Given

  7. Spatial intelligence has been linked to creativity.
  8. True / False / Not Given

  9. An individual may demonstrate high levels of intelligence in contradictory areas.
  10. True / False / Not Given

  11. Those demonstrating intrapersonal intelligence always make bad managers.
  12. True / False / Not Given

Задание No 4 - Questions 38-40

You are advised to spend about 7 minutes on Questions 38-40. Refer to the text and decide which of the answers best completes the following sentences. Write your answers in boxes 38-40 on your Answer Sheet.

  1. Some believe that IQ tests do not correctly estimate an individual's intelligence because:
  2. a) the tests are based on physical and physiological benchmarks
    b) some people may perform badly on the day of the test
    c) while people may have weaknesses in one area they may have strengths in others
    d) the tests do not accurately assess the person's ability to reason, think and solve problems

  3. The intelligence, as classified by Gardner, relating to an ability to memorise items seen is:
  4. a) linguistic intelligence
    b) logico-mathematical intelligence
    c) spatial intelligence
    d) bodily-kinesthetic intelligence

  5. The harshest criticism of Gardner's theory has been focussed towards:
  6. a) interpersonal intelligence
    b) intrapersonal intelligence
    c) musical intelligence
    d) naturalistic intelligence

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