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Времена в английском языке подробно: таблица английских времен, правила и упражнения на времена. На этом уроке подробно и ясно описываются времена в английском языке, мы узнаем как в систему глагольных времен входят времена Indefinite
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Времена в английском языке подробно: таблица английских времен, правила и упражнения на времена. На этом уроке подробно и ясно описываются времена в английском языке, мы узнаем как в систему глагольных времен входят времена Indefinite

Времена в английском языке таблица - скачать бесплатно упражнения правила таблицу и примеры на Present Simple(Для прослушивания MP3 объекта вам необходим Flash плейер)

Наш сегодняшний онлайн урок английского языка посвящен теме путешествий, мы будем изучать туристическую лексику, которая Вам потребуется при общении с иностранцами на английском языке в туристических поездках, также изучим самое простое и самое распространенное английское время - The Present Simple Tense или The Present Indefinite Tense - английское настоящее неопределенное время или простое настоящее время в английском языке. Сегодня я объясню времена в английском языке очень подробно: в этом нам поможет таблица английских времен, мы также выучим правила и выполним упражнения на времена. На уроке подробно и ясно описываются времена в английском языке, мы также узнаем о том, как в систему глагольных времен входят времена Indefinite или Simple.

Времена в английском языке подробно для чайников: случаи употребления Present Indefinite. Времена в английском языке таблица времен - группа Simple

В систему глагольных времен в английском языке входят времена Indefinite - самая распространенная группа времен, которая чаще всего используется для выражения мыслей в разговорной речи и на письме. Времена в английском языке - правила их употребления просты и логичны, важно брать не зубрежкой, а пониманием.

Времена в английском языке таблица - первое место в ней занимает английское настоящее простое неопределенное время описывает простое действие. Времена в английском языке для чайников - это просто: все времена Simple указывают на событие, относящееся к моменту в настоящем или не относящееся ни к какому конкретному моменту времени вообще, и при этом не имеющее ни аспектов совершенности (ничего пока еще не произошло) ни продолженности (ничего и не происходит).

Так как в число времен в английском языке таблица по правилам входят времена Indefinite, то нужно знать десять основных случаев употребления Present Simple (английское презент симпл) или Present Indefinite (презент индефинит в английском языке). Давайте я объясню времена в английском языке правила и случаи употребления времен в английском языке для чайников:

  1. регулярность и систематичность действия - неопределенные времена в английском языке правила - это действие, происходящее вообще, а не в момент речи - смотри времена в английском языке таблица, времена в английском языке таблица с примерами на моем сайте очень наглядно иллюстрирует функции каждого времени;

  2. обычные, постоянные и повторяющиеся явления, законы природы, факты, научные выводы, наблюдения - времена в английском языке правила употребления всей группы Indefinite сводятся к описанию закономерностей окружающего мира;

  3. при описании постоянных привычек человека; способностей человека, образа жизни, профессии, которые относятся к постоянным, а не случайным явлениям - простые времена в английском языке правила позволяют описывать постоянные свойства личности или физические особенности человека, изучите времена в английском языке таблица с примерами;

  4. когда речь идет о чувствах и эмоциях - уважении, ненависти, любви, презрении - тех чувств и эмоций, которые сопровождают человека долгое время или в течение всей жизни; запомните времена в английском языке упражнения и онлайн тесты находятся в пятой секции;

  5. в бытовых замечаниях, когда мы хотим упростить высказывание ради его краткости - времена в английском языке подробно объясняются в пятой секции английской грамматики на моем сайте, там подробно приводятся примеры такого рода бытовых замечаний;

  6. времена в английском языке правила говорят, что неопределенные времена в английском языке подробно описывают действия, которое совершается в момент речи (вместо Present Progressive / Present Continuous) вместе с глаголами состояния, не употребляющимися во временах группы Continuous. Чтобы изучить времена в английском языке подробно нужно знать, что некоторые английские глаголы, обозначающие восприятие, умственную деятельность, чувства, отношение, принадлежность не могут употребляться в английских продолженных временах. Простые или неопределенные времена в английском языке можно закрепить через упражнения онлайн в пятой секции.

    Времена в английском языке подробно: в систему в систему глагольных времен входят времена Indefinite, с которыми употребляются пять групп глаголов состояния: глаголы, используемые для определения умственной деятельности: to know – знать, to understand – понимать, to think – думать, to believe – полагать, верить, to forget – забывать, to remember – помнить, to learn – изучать, to doubt – сомневаться, времена в английском языке таблица с примерами позволят выучить и другие глаголы из этой группы, такие, как to resemble – напоминать, to guess – догадываться, to imagine – воображать, to mean – означать, to realize – осознавать, понимать, to recognize – узнавать, to suppose – предполагать, to decide – решать (но не solve! - времена в английском языке упражнения позволят научится отличать эти глаголы); времена в английском языке подробно, запомните глаголы, обозначающие эмоции и ощущения: to love – любить, to hate – ненавидеть, to like – нравиться (места подлежащего и дополнения с глаголом like в предложении будут обратными по сравнению с русским языком - времена в английском языке правила управления переходных глаголов не всегда совпадают), to dislike – не нравиться, to adore – обожать, to prefer – предпочитать, to wish – желать, to want – хотеть, to care – заботиться, беспокоиться, to deserve – заслуживать, to astonish – удивлять, поражать, to impress – впечатлять; глаголы пяти чувств – эти глаголы употребляются с модальным глаголом can: to feel – ощущать, to see – видеть, to smell – чувствовать запах, to taste – чувствовать на вкус, to hear – слышать, to touch – пробовать на ощупь; глаголы, обозначающие отношения собственности: to have – иметь, to own – владеть, to possess – владеть, to lack – не иметь, to belong to somebody – принадлежать кому-либо, to owe – быть должным; другие глаголы: to be – быть, to cost – стоить, to need somebody/something – нуждаться в ком-либо/чем-либо, to contain – содержать (в значении "содержать, имея внутри", а не в значении "содержать любовницу, давая ей деньги"), to depend on somebody/something – зависеть от кого-либо/чего-либо, to consist of something – состоять из чего-либо, to seem – казаться (времена в английском языке правила позволяют использовать глагол в том числе и в составе устойчивого оборота It seems to me, that... – Мне кажется, что... - смотрим времена в английском языке таблица с примерами), to concern – относиться, to fit – подходить, соответствовать, to include – включать, to exclude – исключать, to involve – вовлекать, to matter – значить, иметь значение (давайте изучим времена в английском языке подробно на таких примерах: Nothing else matters. – Больше ничто не имеет значения.), to appear – казаться (в том числе в составе устойчивого оборота It appears to me, that ... – У меня сложилось впечатление, что... - смотрите времена в английском языке упражнения), to measure – измерять, to sound – испытывать, измерять глубину, to weight – весить, to please – угождать, to satisfy – удовлетворять, to surprise – удивлять, to look – казаться, выглядеть (глагол look at в значении смотреть на не является глаголом состояния) - таблица с примерами на времена в английском языке на моем сайте позволит Вам не запутаться в этих глаголах.

  7. времена в английском языке подробно: давайте запомним, что Indefinite или Simple может передавать несложную цепь фактов, происходивших в прошлом, при изложении их в связном рассказе - времена в английском языке для чайников;

  8. времена в английском языке упражнения позволят запомнить случаи использовать Indefinite при наличии английских наречий неопределенного времени (в предложении стоят после подлежащего перед любым глаголом действия, но после глагола-связки to be), в целях изучения того, как употребляются простые времена в английском языке подробно, давайте выучим эти слова: always - всегда, constantly - постоянно, very often - очень часто, often - часто, regularly - регулярно, usually - обычно, sometimes - иногда, rarely - редко, very seldom - очень редко, hardly - почти никогда, крайне редко, never - никогда - таблица с примерами на времена в английском языке - отличный способ заучить все эти наречия;

  9. для выражения будущего действия (вместо Future Indefinite) в обстоятельственных придаточных предложениях времени и условия, которые вводятся союзами - времена в английском языке подробно: if - если, when - когда, after - после того, как, until - до того, как, till - до тех пор, пока, before - до того, как, unless - если только не, provided that - при условии, что, as soon as - сразу, как, as long as - до тех пор, пока;

  10. для выражения будущего действия (вместо Future Indefinite) с глаголами, обозначающими движение to leave - покидать, to start - выезжать, to sail - плыть, to return - возвращаться, to arrive - прибывать, to go - удаляться, to come - приближаться - грамматика английского языка таблица времен; в этом случае в предложении обычно имеется обстоятельство времени, указывающее на будущее время. Чтобы понять неопределенные времена в английском языке для чайников просто выучите эти глаголы.

Времена в английском языке подробно для чайников: утвердительное предложение в Present Simple:

Для того, чтобы запомнить времена в английском языке для чайников, достаточно запомнить следующую схему построения английского утвердительного предложения в простом настоящем времени Present Simple:

подлежащее + глагол-сказуемое в личной форме

Когда я уже объяснял времена в английском языке для чайников, то рассказывал, что глаголы в английском языке делятся на основные или смысловые (передающие основной смысл действия в английском предложении) и вспомогательные (образующие вопросительную, отрицательную и, в некоторых случаях, утвердительную формы английского предложения) - изучите грамматику английского языка и таблицу времен.

Чтобы понять времена в английском языке для чайников, запомните, что к вспомогательным глаголам в английском относятся глаголы to be, to do, to have при передаче отрицания и вопроса, то есть в отрицаниях и вопросах, когда эти глаголы не выражают самостоятельного действия и не несут смысловой нагрузки. Грамматика английского языка таблица времен демонстрирует, что простые времена в английском языке упражнения позволят отработать как вспомогательные, так и все остальные глаголы, которые мы называем к смысловыми или основными глаголами - времена в английском языке подробно со всеми видами глаголов объяснены в пятой секции по грамматике на моем сайте.

Чтобы освоить времена в английском языке для чайников, давайте изучим примеры английских утверждений в презент симпл и определим, под какие случаи употребления презент индефинит они подпадают:

Most travellers master the rail system by learning from their mistakes. - Большинство путешественников осваивают железнодорожную систему путем обучения на собственных ошибках. - регулярность действия передает глагол-сказуемое master в The Present Indefinite Tense, посмотрите грамматику английского языка таблицу времен и также посоветую времена в английском языке подробно выучить путем выполнения тестов с ответами в том числе и по туристической тематике.

I always carry my bag on and heave it up onto the rack above the seat. - Я всегда проношу сумку в салон и закидываю ее на полку сверху сиденья. - английское наречие неопределенного времени always, стоящее перед смысловым глаголом, однозначное указывает на The Present Simple Tense.

It takes train fifteen minutes to arrive at Roma Termini. - Поезду требуется пятнадцать минут, чтобы прибыть на вокзал Рим Конечная. - безличное предложение (в английском языке безличные предложения в строгом понимании этого слова отсутствуют, вместо подлежащего мы используем "заглушку" it) - в этом типе предложений мы также употребляем простые времена в английском языке упражнения, так как глагол указывает на регулярное действие (прибытие поезда в течение 15 минут предопределено расписанием).

Неопределенные времена в английском языке для чайников легко научиться определять по словам-подсказкам или, по-умному, наречиями неопределенного времени, по которым можно "распознать" английское время Present Simple, служат наречия always - всегда, hardly - почти никогда, крайне редко, often - часто, every day, week, month - каждый день, неделю, месяц, very seldom - редко, usually - обычно, sometimes - иногда, never - никогда - запомнив эти слова, можно выучить времена в английском языке подробно.

Времена в английском языке подробно: как задавать вопросы в Present Simple? Грамматика английского языка таблица времен

Как задать английский вопрос в Present Simple - для того, чтобы знать ответ на этот вопрос, совсем необязательно изучать времена в английском языке подробно: подставляете в начало предложения вспомогательный глагол do или does (в третьем лице единственного числа) - очень простое объяснение времен в английском языке для чайников! Грамматика английского языка таблица времен позволит понять все схемы построения английских предложений.

do / does + подлежащее + инфинитив глагола без частицы to

Do most travellers master the rail system by learning from their mistakes? - Осваивает ли большинство путешественников железнодорожную систему путем обучения на собственных ошибках? - учим времена в английском языке подробно и выполняем времена в английском языке упражнения: подменяем любой член английского общего вопроса вопросительным словом и поставив его перед подлежащим, получим специальный вопрос:

How do most travellers master the rail system? - Каким образом большинство путешественников осваивает железнодорожную систему? - вопрос к обстоятельству образа действия.

Построение отрицательной формы предложения в английском языке - времена в английском языке для чайников. Как построить отрицание в Present Simple - времена в английском языке подробно:

Существует три способа образования отрицания в английском предложении, чтобы запомнить времена в английском языке для чайников, достаточно выучить три простых схемы. Первый способ образования отрицательного предложения в английском языке в Present Simple - при помощи отрицательной частицы not, которая ставится после вспомогательного глагола:

подлежащее + do / does + отрицательная частица not + инфинитив глагола без частицы to

He does not heave my bag up onto the rack above the seat. - Он не закидывает свою сумку на полку сверху сиденья.

Второй способ предполагает замену вспомогательного глагола с отрицательной частицей do / does not отрицательным наречием never, которое ставится перед смысловым глаголом, но после глагола-связки to be, - если объяснять времена в английском языке подробно, то схема будет выглядеть вот так:

подлежащее + never + личная форма глагола

He never heaves his bag up onto the rack above the seat. - Он не закидывает свою сумку на полку сверху сиденья. - обратите внимание, что глагол-сказуемое употребляется с окончанием -s, так как формально такое предложение считается утвердительным и вспомогательный глагол отсутствует.

The milk-run train is never on time. - Тихоходный поезд никогда не приходит вовремя.

Третий способ предполагает отрицание прямого дополнения путем добавления отрицательного местоимения no - изучите грамматика английского языка таблица времен. Времена в английском языке - подробное объяснение укладывается в следующую наглядную схему:

подлежащее + личная глагола + no + прямое дополнение

It makes no sense to sit bored on the train. = It does not make any sense to sit bored on the train. = It never makes any sense to sit bored on the train. - Нет никакого смысла сидеть скучать в поезде.

Getting on the Right Track

Armed with a railpass, the independent traveller has Europe as a playground. Most will master the system simply by diving in and learning from their mistakes. To learn more quickly - from someone else's mistakes - here are a few tips.

Many cities have more than one train station. Paris has six, Brussels has three, and even Switzerland's little Interlaken has two. Be sure you know whether your train is leaving from Interlaken Ost (East) or Interlaken West, even if that means asking what might seem like a stupid question. It is a safe bet that a city's stations are connected by train, subway, or bus. When arriving in a city (especially on a milk-run train), you may stop at several suburban stations with signs indicating your destination's name and the name of the neighborhood (for instance Madrid Vallecas, Roma Ostiense, or Dresden Neustadt). Do not jump out until you have reached the central station (Madrid Chamartin, Roma Termini, or Dresden Hauptbahnhof) - ask fellow passengers or check your guidebook to find out which name to look for. You can also avoid arrival frustrations by confirming that your train stops at a city's main station rather than a suburban one. For instance, several trains to "Venice" leave you at Venice's suburban station (Venezia Mestre), where you will be stranded without a glimpse of a gondola. You will have to catch another train to reach the main Venezia Santa Lucia station, on the Grand Canal.) On the other hand, it can be handy to hop out at a suburban station if it is closer to your hotel than the main station. Many trains headed for Barcelona's big Sants station also stop at the Placa de Catalunya subway station, which is near many recommended accommodations.

Some large stations have entirely separate sections for local trains and long-distance trains. It can take some time to find the part of the station your train leaves from. For example, Madrid's Atocha station is divided between two types of service: cercanias (local trains) and AVE (high-speed, long-distance trains). A Paris train station might have some tracks devoted to Grandes Lignes ("grand lines" to other cities), and others for Transilien (local milk-run trains to the surrounding Ile-de-France region). At the Frankfurt airport, regional trains depart from the Regionalbahnhof while long-distance trains use the Fernbahnhof. Even more confusing, some large stations also have vast sections devoted to subway trains or regional buses.

Ask for help and pay attention. Managing in the stations and on the trains is largely a matter of asking questions, letting people help you, and assuming things are logical. I always ask someone on the platform if the train is going where I think it is. (Point to the train or track and ask, "Roma?") Uniformed train personnel can answer any question you can communicate. Speak slowly, clearly, and with caveman simplicity. Be observant. If the loudspeaker comes on while you are waiting for your train at track seven, gauge by the reaction of those around you whether the announcement affects you. If, after the babble, everyone dashes over to track fifteen, assume your train is no longer arriving at track seven.

Scope out the train ahead of time. The configuration of many major trains is charted in little display cases on the platform next to where your train will arrive. As you wait, study the display to note where the first-class and sleeping cars are, whether there is a restaurant car, and which cars are going where. Some train schedules will say, in the fine print, "Munich-bound cars in the front, Vienna-bound cars in the rear." Knowing which cars you are eligible for can be especially handy if you will be competing with a mob for a seat. When expecting a real scramble, I stand on a bench at the far end of the track and study each car as the train rolls by, noting where the empty places are. First-class cars are marked with a "1" on the outside, second-class cars with a "2." If there are several departures within an hour and the first train looks hopeless, I will wait for the next.

Never assume the whole train is going where your car does. For long hauls, each car is labelled separately, because cars are usually added and dropped here and there along the journey. I will never forget one hot afternoon in the middle of Spain. My train stopped in the middle of nowhere. There was some mechanical rattling. Then the train pulled away leaving me alone in my car in La Mancha. Ten minutes later, another train came along, picked up my car, and I was on my way. To survive all this juggling easily, be sure that the city on your car's nameplate is your destination. The nameplate lists the final stop and some (but not all) of the stops in between.

Every car has plenty of room for luggage. In more than 30 years of travel, I have never checked in a bag. I simply carry it on and heave it up onto the rack above the seat. I have seen Turkish families moving all their worldly goods from Germany back to Turkey without checking in a thing. People complain about the porters in the European train stations. I think they are great - I have never used one. People with more luggage than they can carry deserve porters.

Luggage is never completely safe. There is a thief on every train (thieves' union regulations) planning to grab a bag (see Chapter 24: Traveller Beware: Theft, Scams, and Losing Your Stuff). Store your luggage within sight, rather than at the end of a train car. Before leaving my luggage in a compartment, I establish a relationship with everyone there. I am safe leaving it among mutual guards. On longer trips, I clip and fasten my rucksack to the luggage rack. If one tug does not take the bag, a thief will usually leave it rather than ask, "Scusi, how is your luggage attached?"

Many train travellers are ripped off while they sleep. A $32 couchette (reserved berth in a sleeping compartment is described under "How to Sleep on the Train," later) is safer because an attendant monitors who comes and goes. Those sleeping for free in regular cars should exercise extreme caution. Keep your valuables in a money belt or at least securely attached to your body. You will hear stories of entire train cars being gassed and robbed in Italy, Spain, and Eastern Europe. I think it is a myth - I would not lose sleep over it.

Women need to be careful on all overnight rides. Women should use discretion when choosing a compartment. Sleeping in an empty compartment in southern Europe is an open invitation to your own private Casanova. Choose a room with a European granny or nun in it. That way you will get a little peace, and Don Juan will not even try. A couchette (berth) is your best bet.

Breathe easy. While trains used to offer both smoking and non-smoking compartments, entirely smoke-free trains are now the standard in much of Europe. Smoking is not allowed on trains in Great Britain, Ireland, BeNeLux, France, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, Austria, Germany, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Poland. Smoking areas (clearly marked) are still offered on some trains in Denmark and most of Eastern Europe. Smoking is also restricted inside stations.

Use train time wisely. Train travellers, especially Eurailers, spend a lot of time on the train. This time can be dull and unproductive, or it can be an opportunity to get organized and make plans for your next destination. It makes no sense to sit bored on the train and then, upon arrival, sit in the station for an hour reading your information and deciding where to go for hotels and what to do next.

Spend train time constructively: studying, reading, writing post-cards or journal entries, eating, or organizing. Talk to local people or other travellers. There is so much to be learned. Europeans are often less open and forward than Americans. You could sit across from a silent but fascinating and friendly European for an entire train ride, or you could break the ice by asking a question, quietly offering some candy, or showing your Hometown, USA, postcards. This can start the conversation flowing and the friendship growing.

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Английский онлайн - английская медицинская лексика. Медицинская лексика для врачей, изучающих английский язык, читаем книгу Karen Horney: The Neurotic Personality of Our Time

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Chapter 4: Anxiety and Hostility

When discussing the difference between fear and anxiety we found as our first result that anxiety is a fear, which essentially involves a subjective factor. What then is the nature of this subjective factor?

Let us start by describing the experience an individual undergoes during anxiety. He has the feeling of a powerful, inescapable danger against which he himself is entirely helpless. Whatever the manifestations of anxiety, whether it be a hypochondriac fear of cancer, anxiety concerning thunderstorms, a phobia about high places, or any comparable fear, the two factors of an overpowering danger and defenselessness against it are invariably present. Sometimes the dangerous force against which he feels helpless may be felt to come from outside - thunderstorms, cancer, accidents and the like; sometimes the danger is felt to threaten him from his own ungovernable impulses - fear of having to jump down from a high place, or to cut someone with a knife; sometimes the danger is entirely vague and intangible, as it often is in an anxiety attack.

Such feelings in themselves, however, are not characteristic only of anxiety; they may be exactly the same in any situation which involves a factual overpowering danger and a factual helplessness toward it. I imagine that the subjective experience of persons during an earthquake, or of an infant under two years of age exposed to brutalities, is in no way different from the subjective experience of one who has anxiety concerning thunderstorms. In the case of fear the danger is present in reality and the feeling of helplessness is conditioned by reality, and in the case of anxiety the danger is generated or magnified by intrapsychic factors and the helplessness is conditioned by one's own attitude.

The question concerning the subjective factor in anxiety is thus reduced to the more specific inquiry: what are the psychic conditions that create the feeling of an imminent powerful danger and an attitude of helplessness toward it? This at any rate is the question that the psychologist has to raise. That chemical conditions in the body can also create the feeling and the physical concomitants of anxiety is as little a psychological problem as the fact that chemical conditions can produce elation or sleep.

In tackling this problem of anxiety Freud has, as so often in other problems, shown us the direction in which to move. He has done this by his crucial discovery that the subjective factor involved in anxiety lies in our own instinctual drives; in other words, both the danger anticipated by anxiety and the feeling of helplessness toward it are conjured by the explosive force of our own impulses. I shall discuss Freud's views in more detail at the end of this chapter, and shall also point out in what way my conclusions differ from his.

In principle, any impulse has the potential power to provoke anxiety, provided that its discovery or pursuit would mean a violation of other vital interests or needs, and provided that it is sufficiently imperative or passionate. In periods when there are definite and severe sexual taboos, like the Victorian era, yielding to sexual impulses has often meant incurring a realistic danger. An unmarried girl, for example, had to face a real danger of tortured conscience or social disgrace, and those yielding to masturbating urges had to face a real danger in so far as they were subject to threats of castration or warnings of fatal physical injuries or mental diseases. The same holds true today for certain perverted sex impulses, such as exhibitionistic drives or impulses directed toward children. In our times, however, as far as "normal" sex impulses are concerned, our attitude has become so lenient that admitting them to ourselves, or carrying them out in reality, involves serious danger much less frequently; hence there is less factual reason for apprehension on that score.

The change in the cultural attitude toward sex may be greatly responsible for the fact that, according to my experience, sexual impulses as such are only in exceptional cases found to be the dynamic force behind anxiety. This statement may seem exaggerated, because no doubt on the surface anxiety does seem to be linked with sexual desires. Neurotic persons are often found to have anxiety in connection with sexual intercourse, or to have inhibitions on that score as a consequence of anxiety. Closer analysis shows, however, that the basis of anxiety usually lies not in the sex impulses as such but in hostile impulses coupled with them, such as the impulse to hurt or humiliate the partner through intercourse.

In fact, hostile impulses of various kinds form the main source from which neurotic anxiety springs. I am afraid lest this new statement should sound again like an unjustified generalization from what may be true for some cases. But these cases, in which one can find a direct connection between the hostility and the anxiety it promotes, are not the only basis for my statement. It is well known that an acute hostile impulse may be the direct cause of anxiety, if its pursuit would mean defeating the purposes of the self. One example may serve for many. F. goes on a hiking trip through the mountains with a girl, Mary, to whom he is deeply devoted. Nevertheless, he feels acutely and savagely infuriated against her because his jealousy has somehow been aroused. When walking with her on a precipitous mountain path he gets a severe attack of anxiety, with heavy breathing and heart-pounding, because of a conscious impulse to push the girl over the edge of the path. The structure of anxieties like these is the same as indicated in anxieties from sexual sources: an imperative impulse, which, if yielded to, would mean a catastrophe for the self.

In the great majority of persons, however, a direct causal connection between hostility and neurotic anxiety is far from evident. In order, then, to make it clear why I declare that in the neuroses of our time hostile impulses are the main psychological force promoting anxiety, it is necessary to examine now in some detail the psychological consequences which result from a repression of hostility.

Repressing a hostility means "pretending" that everything is all right and thus refraining from fighting when we ought to fight, or at least when we wish to fight. Hence, the first unavoidable consequence of such a repression is that it generates a feeling of defenselessness, or to be more exact, it reinforces an already given feeling of defenselessness. If hostility is repressed when a person's interests are factually attacked it becomes possible for others to take advantage of him.

The experience of a chemist, C., represents an everyday occurrence of this kind. C. had what was regarded as nervous exhaustion as a consequence of too much work. He was unusually gifted and very ambitious, without knowing that he was. For reasons we shall leave aside, he had repressed his ambitious strivings and hence appeared modest. When he entered the laboratory of a great chemical firm another member of the staff, G., a little older in years and higher in rank than C., look him under his wing and showed every sign of friendliness. Because of a series of personal factors - dependence on others' affection, previous intimidation concerning critical observation, not recognizing his own ambition and hence not seeing it in others - C. was happy to accept the friendliness and failed to observe that in reality G. cared for nothing but his own career. And it struck him but dimly that on one occasion G. reported as his own an idea which was relevant for a possible invention but which was really C.'s idea, one that he had formerly expressed to G. in a friendly conversation. For the flicker of a moment C. was distrustful, but because his own ambition factually stirred up an enormous hostility in him, he immediately repressed not only this hostility but with it also the warranted criticism and distrust. Hence, he remained convinced that G. was his best friend. Consequently, when G. discouraged him about continuing a certain line of work he took the advice at face value. When G. produced an invention that C. might have made, C. merely felt that G.'s gifts and intelligence were far superior to his own. He felt happy to have such an admirable friend. Thus by having repressed his distrust and his anger C. failed to notice that in crucial questions G. was his enemy rather than his friend. Because he clung to the illusion that he was liked, C. relinquished his preparedness to fight for his own interests. He did not even realize that a vital interest of his own was attacked, and consequently could not fight for it, but allowed the other to take advantage of his weakness.

The fears which repression serves to overcome may also be overcome by keeping the hostility under conscious control. But whether one controls or represses hostility is not a matter of choice, because repression is a reflex-like process. It occurs if in a particular situation it is unbearable to be aware that one is hostile. In such a case, of course, there is no possibility of conscious control. The main reasons why awareness of hostility may be unbearable are that one may love or need a person at the same time that one is hostile toward him, that one may not want to see the reasons, such as envy or possessiveness, which have promoted the hostility, or that it may be frightening to recognize within one's self hostility toward anyone. In such circumstances, repression is the shortest and quickest way toward an immediate reassurance. By repression, the frightening hostility disappears from awareness, or is kept from entering awareness. I should like to repeat this sentence in other words, because for all its simplicity it is one of those psychoanalytic statements, which is but rarely understood: if hostility is repressed the person has not the remotest idea that he is hostile.

The quickest way toward a reassurance, however, is not necessarily the safest way in the long run. By the process of repression the hostility - or to indicate its dynamic character we had better use here the term rage - is removed from conscious awareness but is not abolished. Split off from the context of the individual's personality, and hence beyond control, it revolves within him as an affect, which is highly explosive and eruptive, and therefore tends to be discharged. The explosiveness of the repressed affect is all the greater because by its very isolation it assumes larger and often fantastic dimensions.

As long as one is aware of animosity, its expansion is restricted in three ways. First, consideration of the circumstances as they are in a given situation shows him what he can and what he cannot do toward an enemy or alleged enemy. Second, if the anger concerns one whom he otherwise admires or likes or needs, the anger will sooner or later become integrated into the totality of his feelings. Finally, inasmuch as man has developed a certain sense of what is appropriate to do or not to do, personality being as it is, and this too will restrict his hostile impulses.

If the anger is repressed, then access to these restricting possibilities is cut off, with the result that the hostile impulses trespass the restrictions from inside and outside, though only in fantasy. If the chemist I mentioned had followed his impulses he would have wanted to tell others how Gr. had abused his friendship, or to intimate to his superior that G. had stolen his idea or kept him from pursuing it. Since his anger was repressed it became dissociated and expanded, as would probably have shown in his dreams; it is likely that it his dreams he committed murder in some symbolic form, or became an admired genius, while others went disgracefully to pieces.

By its very dissociation the repressed hostility, will in the course of time usually become intensified from outside sources. For instance, if a high employee has developed an anger toward his chief, because the chief has made arrangements without discussing them with him, and if the employee represses his anger, never remonstrating against the procedure, the superior will certainly keep on acting over his head. Thereby new anger is constantly generated.

Another consequence of repressing hostility arises from the fact that a person registers within himself the existence of a highly explosive affect, which is beyond control. Before discussing the consequences of this, we have to consider a question that it suggests. By definition, the result of repressing an affect or an impulse is that the individual is no longer aware of its existence, so that in his conscious mind he does not know that he has any hostile feelings toward another. How then can I say that he "registers" the existence of the repressed affect within himself? The answer lies in the fact that there is no strict alternative between conscious and unconscious, but that there are, as H. S. Sullivan has pointed out in a lecture, several levels of consciousness. Not only is the repressed impulse still effective - one of the basic discoveries of Freud - but also in a deeper level of consciousness the individual knows about its presence. Reduced to the most simple terms possible this means that fundamentally we cannot fool ourselves, that actually we observe ourselves better than we are aware of doing, just as we usually observe others better than we are aware of doing - as shown, for example, in the correctness of the first impression we get from a person - but we may have stringent reasons for not taking cognizance of our observations. For the sake of saving repetitive explanations I shall use the term "register" when I mean that we know what is going on within us without our being aware of it.

These consequences of repressing hostility may themselves be sufficient to create anxiety, provided always that the hostility and its potential danger to other interests are sufficiently great. States of vague anxiety may be built in this way. More often, however, the process does not come to a standstill at this point, because there is an imperative need to get rid of the dangerous affect which from within menaces one's interest and security. A second reflex-like process sets in: the individual "projects" his hostile impulses to the outside world. The first "pretense," the repression, requires a second one: he "pretends" that the destructive impulses come not from him but from someone or something outside. Logically the person on whom his own hostile impulses will be projected is the person against whom they are directed. The result is that this person now assumes formidable proportions in his mind, partly because such a person becomes endowed with the same quality of ruthlessness that his own repressed impulses have, partly because in any danger the degree of potency depends not only on the factual conditions but also on the attitude taken toward them. The more defenseless one is the greater the danger appears.

As a by-function the projection also serves the need for self-justification. It is not the individual himself who wants to cheat, to steal, to exploit, to humiliate, but the others want to do such things to him. A wife who is ignorant of her own impulses to ruin her husband and subjectively convinced that she is most devoted may, because of this mechanism, consider her husband to be a brute wanting to harm her.

The process of projection may or may not be supported by another process working to the same end: a retaliation fear may get hold of the repressed impulse. In this case a person who wants to injure, cheat, deceive others has also a fear that they will do the same to him. How far the retaliation fear is a general characteristic ingrained in human nature, how far it arises from primitive experiences of sin and punishment, how far it presupposes a drive for personal revenge, I leave as an open question. Beyond doubt, it plays a great role in the minds of neurotic persons.

These processes brought about by repressed hostility result in the affect of anxiety. In fact, the repression generates exactly the state that is characteristic of anxiety: a feeling of defenselessness toward what is felt an overpowering danger menacing from outside.

Though the steps by which anxiety develops are simple in principle, in practice it is usually difficult to understand the conditions of anxiety. One of the complicating factors is that the repressed hostile impulses are frequently projected not on the person factually concerned but on something else. In one of Freud's case histories, for example, the little Hans did not develop an anxiety concerning his parents but an anxiety concerning white horses.3 An otherwise very sensible patient of mine, after a repression of hostility toward her husband, suddenly developed an anxiety concerning reptiles in the tiled swimming pool. It seems that nothing from germs to thunderstorms is too remote for an anxiety to be attached to it. The reasons for this tendency to detach the anxiety from the person concerned are quite obvious. If the anxiety factually concerns a parent, husband, friend or one in similar close relationship the assumption of hostility is felt to be incompatible with an existing tie of authority, love or appreciation. The maxim in these cases is the denial of hostility all around. By repressing his own hostility, the person denies that there is any hostility on his part, and by projecting his repressed hostility to thunderstorms he denies any hostility on the other's part. Many illusions of happy marriage rest on an ostrich policy of this kind.

That a repression of hostility leads with inexorable logic to the generation of anxiety does not mean that anxiety must become manifest every time the process takes place. Anxiety may be removed instantaneously by one of the protective devices we have discussed or shall discuss later. A person in such a situation may protect himself by such means, for example, as developing an enhanced need for sleep or taking to drink.

There are infinite variations in the forms of anxiety that may ensue from the process of repressing hostility. For the sake of a better understanding of the resultant pictures, I shall present the different possibilities schematically.

A: The danger is felt to arise from one's own impulses.
B: The danger is felt to arise from outside.

In view of the consequences of repressing hostility group A appears to be a direct outcome of the repression while group B presupposes a projection. Both A mid B can be subdivided into two subgroups.

I: The danger is felt to be directed against the self.
II: The danger is felt to be directed against others.

We would then have four main groups of anxiety:

A. I: The danger is felt to come from one's own impulses and to be directed against the self. In this group the hostility is turned secondarily against the self, a process which we shall discuss later.
Example: phobia of having to jump down from high places.

A. II: The danger is felt to come from one's own impulses and to be directed against others.
Example: phobia of having to injure others with knives.

B. I: The danger is felt to come from outside and to concern the self.
Example: fear of thunderstorms.

B. II: The danger is felt to come from outside and to concern others. In this group the hostility is projected to the outside world and the original object of hostility is retained.
Example: the anxiety of over-solicitous mothers concerning the dangers menacing their children.

Needless to say, the value of such a classification is limited. It may be useful in providing a quick orientation, but it does not suggest all possible contingencies. One should not deduce, for example, that persons developing an anxiety of type A never project their repressed hostility; it can only be deduced that in this specific form of anxiety projection is absent.

With the capacity of hostility to generate anxiety the relation between the two is not exhausted. The process also works the other way around: anxiety in its turn, when based on a feeling of being menaced, easily provokes a reactive hostility in defense. In this regard it does not differ in any way from fear, which may equally provoke aggression. The reactive hostility too, if repressed, may create anxiety, and thus a cycle is created. This effect of reciprocity between hostility and anxiety, one always generating and reinforcing the other, enables us to understand why we find in neuroses such an enormous amount of relentless hostility.4 This reciprocal influence is also the basic reason why severe neuroses so often become worse without any apparent difficult conditions from the outside. It does not matter whether anxiety or hostility has been the primary factor; the point that is highly important for the dynamics of a neurosis is that anxiety and hostility are inextricably interwoven.

In general, the concept of anxiety I have propounded is developed by methods that are essentially psychoanalytic. It operates with the dynamics of unconscious forces, the processes of repression, projection and the like. If we go into more detail, however, it differs in several respects from the position taken by Freud.

Freud has successively propounded two views concerning anxiety. The first of them was, in short, that anxiety results from a repression of impulses. This referred exclusively to the impulse of sexuality and was u purely physiological interpretation, because it was based on the belief that if sexual energy is prevented from discharge it will produce physical tension ill the body, which is transformed into anxiety. According to his second view, anxiety - or what he calls neurotic anxiety - results from fear of those impulses of which the discovery or pursuit would incur an external danger.® This second interpretation, which is psychological, refers not to the sexual impulse alone but also to that of aggression. In this interpretation of anxiety, Freud is not at all concerned about the repression or nonrepression of impulses, but only about the fear of those impulses, the pursuit of which would involve an external danger.

My concept is based on a belief that Freud's two views must be integrated in order to understand the whole picture. Thus, I have freed the first concept of its purely physiological foundation and have combined it with the second concept. Anxiety in general results not so much from a fear of our impulses as from a fear of our repressed impulses. It seems to me that the reason why Freud could not make good use of his first concept - though it was based on an ingenious psychological observation - lies in his having given it a physiological interpretation instead of raising the psychological question of what happens psychically within a person if he represses an impulse.

A second point of disagreement with Freud is of less theoretical but of all the more practical importance. I fully concur with his opinion that anxiety may result from every impulse of which the expression would incur an external danger. Sexual impulses may certainly be of this kind, but only so long as a strict individual and social taboo resting on them renders them dangerous. From this point of view the frequency with which anxiety is generated by sexual impulses is largely dependent on the existing cultural attitude toward sexuality. I do not see that sexuality as such is a specific source of anxiety. I do believe, however, that there is such a specific source in hostility, or more accurately in repressed hostile impulses. To put the concept I have represented in this chapter into simple, practical terms: whenever I find anxiety or indications of it, the questions that come to my mind are, what sensitive spot has been hurt and has consequently provoked hostility, and what accounts for the necessity of repression? My experience is that a search in these directions often leads to a satisfactory understanding of anxiety.

A third point in which I find myself at variance with Freud is his assumption that anxiety is generated only in childhood, starting with the alleged anxiety at birth mid proceeding to castration fear, and that anxiety occurring later in life is based on reactions which have remained infantile. "There is no doubt that persons whom we call neurotic remain infantile in their attitude towards danger, and have not grown out of antiquated conditions for anxiety."

Let us consider separately the elements contained in this interpretation. Freud asserts that during childhood we are particularly prone to react with anxiety. This is an undisputed fact, and one for which there are good and understandable reasons, lying in the child's comparative helplessness against adverse influences. In fact in character neuroses it is invariably found that the formation of anxiety started in early childhood, or at least that the foundation of what I have called basic anxiety was laid in that time. Besides this, however, Freud believes that the anxiety in adult neuroses is still tied up with the conditions, which originally provoked it. This means, for instance, that an adult man would be just as much harassed by fear of castration, though in modified forms, as he had been as a boy. No doubt, there are rare cases in which an infantile anxiety reaction may with appropriate provocations re-emerge in later life in unchanged form. But as a rule what we find is, in a phrase, not repetition but development. In cases in which the analysis allows us a pretty complete understanding of how a neurosis has developed we may find an uninterrupted chain of reactions from early anxiety to adult peculiarities. Therefore, the later anxiety will contain, among others, elements conditioned by the specific conflicts existing in childhood. However, the anxiety as a whole is not an infantile reaction. To consider it as such would be to confuse two different things, to mistake for an infantile attitude an attitude merely generated in childhood. With at least as much justification as calling anxiety an infantile reaction one might call it a precocious grown-up attitude in a child.

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