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Английский онлайн - английская медицинская лексика. Медицинская лексика для врачей, изучающих английский язык, читаем книгу Karen Horney: The Neurotic Personality of Our Time
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Английский онлайн - английская медицинская лексика. Медицинская лексика для врачей, изучающих английский язык, читаем книгу Karen Horney: The Neurotic Personality of Our Time

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Chapter 3: Anxiety

Before going into a more detailed discussion of present-day neuroses I have to pick up one of the loose ends, I left in the first chapter, and clarify what I mean by anxiety. It is important to do this because, as I have said, anxiety is the dynamic centre of neuroses and thus we shall have to deal with it all the time.

I used the term before as synonymous with fear, thereby indicating a kinship between the two. Both are in fact emotional reactions to danger and both may be accompanied by physical sensations, such as trembling, perspiration, violent heartbeat, which may be so strong that a sudden, intense fear may lead to death. Yet there is a difference between the two.

When a mother is afraid that her child will die when it has only a pimple or a slight cold we speak of anxiety; but if she is afraid when the child has a serious illness we call her reaction fear. If someone is afraid whenever he stands on a height or when he has to discuss a topic he knows well, we call his reaction anxiety; if someone is afraid when he loses his way high up in the mountains during a heavy thunderstorm we would speak of fear. Thus far, we should have a simple and neat distinction: fear is a reaction that is proportionate to the danger one has to face, whereas anxiety is a disproportionate reaction to danger, or even a reaction to imaginary danger.

This distinction has one flaw, however, which is that the decision as to whether the reaction is proportionate depends on the average knowledge existing in the particular culture. However, even if that knowledge proclaims a certain attitude to be unfounded, a neurotic will find no difficulty in giving his action a rational foundation. In fact, one might get into hopeless arguments if one told a patient that his dread of being attacked by some raving lunatic is neurotic anxiety. He would point out that his fear is realistic and would refer to occurrences of the kind he fears. The primitive would be similarly stubborn if one considered certain of his fear reactions disproportionate to the actual danger. For instance, a primitive man in a tribe, which has taboos on eating certain animals, is mortally frightened if by any chance he has eaten the tabooed meat. As an outside observer you would call this a disproportionate reaction, in fact an entirely unwarranted one. But knowing the tribe's beliefs concerning forbidden meat you would have to realize that the situation represents a real danger to the man, danger that the hunting or fishing grounds may be spoiled or danger of contracting an illness.

There is a difference, however, between the anxiety we find in primitives and the anxiety we consider neurotic in our culture. The content of neurotic anxiety, unlike that of the primitive, does not conform with commonly held opinions. In both the impression of a disproportionate reaction vanishes once the meaning of the anxiety is understood. There are persons, for example, who have a perpetual anxiety about dying; on the other hand, because of their sufferings they have a secret wish to die. Their various fears of death, combined with their wishful thinking with regard to death, create a strong apprehension of imminent danger. If one knows all these factors one cannot help but call their anxiety about dying an adequate reaction. Another, simplified example is seen in persons who become terrified when they find themselves near a precipice or a high window or on a high bridge. Here again, from without, the fear reaction seems to be disproportionate. But such a situation may present to them, or stir up in them, a conflict between the wish to live and the temptation for some reason or another to jump down from the heights. It is this conflict that may result in anxiety.

All these considerations suggest a change in the definition. Fear and anxiety are both proportionate reactions to danger, but in the case of fear the danger is a transparent, objective one and in the case of anxiety it is hidden and subjective. That is, the intensity of the anxiety is proportionate to the meaning the situation has for the person concerned, and the reasons why he is thus anxious are essentially unknown to him.

The practical implication of the distinction between fear and anxiety is that the attempt to argue a neurotic out of his anxiety - the method of persuasion - is useless. His anxiety concerns not the situation as it stands actually in reality, but the situation as it appears to him. The therapeutic task, therefore, can be only that of finding out the meaning certain situations have for him.

Having qualified what we mean by anxiety we have to get an idea of the role it plays. The average person in our culture is little aware of the importance anxiety has in his life. Usually he remembers only that he had some anxiety in his childhood, that he had one or more anxiety dreams, and that he was inordinately apprehensive in a situation outside his daily routine, as, for instance, before an important talk with an influential person or before examinations.

The information we get from neurotic persons on this score is anything but uniform. Some neurotics are fully aware of being hounded by anxiety. Its manifestations vary immensely: it may appear as diffused anxiety, in the form of anxiety-attacks; it may be attached to definite situations or activities, such as heights, streets, public performances; it may have a definite content, such as apprehension about becoming insane, getting cancer, swallowing pins. Others realize that they have anxiety now and then, with or without knowing the conditions that provoke it, but they do not attribute any importance to it. Finally there are neurotic persons who are aware only of having depressions, feelings of inadequacy, disturbances in sex life, and the like, but they are entirely unaware of ever having or having had anxiety. Closer investigation, however, usually proves their first statement to be inaccurate. In analysing these persons one invariably finds just as much anxiety beneath the surface as in the first group, if not more. The analysis makes these neurotic persons conscious of their previous anxiety and they may recall anxiety dreams or situations in which they felt apprehensive. Yet the extent of anxiety acknowledged by them usually does not surpass the normal. This suggests that we may have anxiety without knowing it.

When it is put in this way the significance of the problem involved here does not show. It is part of a more comprehensive problem. We have feelings of affection, anger, suspicion, so fleeting that they scarcely invade awareness, and so transitory that we forget them. These feelings may really be irrelevant and transitory; but they may just as well have behind them a great dynamic force. The degree of awareness of a feeling does not indicate anything of its strength or importance. Concerning anxiety this means not only that we may have anxiety without knowing it, but that anxiety may be the determining factor in our lives without our being conscious of it.

In fact, we seem to go to any length to escape anxiety or to avoid feeling it. There are many reasons for this, the most general reason being that intense anxiety is one of the most tormenting affects we can have. Patients who have gone through an intense fit of anxiety will tell you that they would rather die than have a recurrence of that experience. Besides, certain elements contained in the affect of anxiety may be particularly unbearable for the individual. One of them is helplessness. One can be active and courageous in the face of a great danger. But in a state of anxiety one feels - in fact, is - helpless. To be rendered helpless is particularly unbearable for those persons for whom power, ascendancy, the idea of being master of any situation, is a prevailing ideal. Impressed by the apparent disproportion of their reaction they resent it, as if it demonstrated a weakness or a cowardice.

Another element in anxiety is its apparent irrationality. To allow any irrational factors to control them is for some persons more intolerable than for others. It is particularly hard to endure for those who secretly feel in danger of being swamped by irrational contrasting forces within themselves, and who have automatically trained themselves to exercise a strict intellectual control. Thus, they will not consciously tolerate any irrational elements. Besides containing individual motivations, this latter reaction involves a cultural factor, inasmuch as our culture places great stress on rational thinking and behaviour and regards irrationality, or what may appear as such, as inferior.

To a certain extent connected with this is the last element in anxiety: by its very irrationality anxiety presents an implicit admonition that something within us is out of gear, and therefore it is a challenge to overhaul something within ourselves. Not that we consciously take it as a challenge; but implicitly it is one, whether we choose to acknowledge it or not. None of us likes such a challenge; it may be said that we are opposed to nothing so much as to the realization that we must change some attitude of our own. The more hopelessly, however, a person feels trapped in the intricate network of his fear and defense mechanism, and the more he has to cling to his delusion that he is right and perfect in everything, the more he instinctively rejects any - even if it is only indirect or implicit - insinuation of something wrong in himself and any need to change.

In our culture, there are four main ways of escaping anxiety: rationalize it; deny it; narcotize it; avoid thoughts, feelings, impulses and situations, which might arouse it.

The first method - rationalization - is the best explanation for evasion of responsibility. It consists in turning anxiety into a rational fear. If the psychic value of such a shift is disregarded, we might imagine that not much is changed by it. The over-solicitous mother is in fact just as concerned about her children, regardless of whether she admits to having anxiety or whether she interprets her anxiety as a justified fear. One can any number of times, however, make the experiment of telling such a mother that her reaction is not a rational fear but an anxiety, implying that it is disproportionate to the existing danger and involves personal factors. In response, she will refute this insinuation and will put all her energy into proving you entirely wrong. Did Mary not catch this infectious disease in the nursery? Did Johnny not break his leg climbing trees? Has not a man tried recently to lure children by promising them candy? Is her own behaviour not entirely dictated by affection and duty?

Whenever we meet such a vigorous defence of irrational attitudes, we may be sure that the attitude defended has important functions for the individual. Instead of feeling a helpless prey to her emotions, such a mother feels she can actively do something about the situation. Instead of recognizing a weakness, she can feel proud of her high standards. Instead of admitting that irrational elements pervade her attitude, she feels entirely rational and justified. Instead of seeing and accepting a challenge to change something within herself she can go on shifting the responsibility to the outside world and thereby escape facing her own motivations. Of course, she has to pay the price for these momentary advantages by never getting rid of her worries. Particularly do the children have to pay the price? However, she does not realize that, and in the last analysis, she does not want to realize it, because deep down she clings to the delusion that she can change nothing within herself and yet manage to have all the benefits that would ensue from a change.

The same principle holds true for all tendencies to believe that anxiety is a rational fear, whatever its content may be: fear of childbirth, of diseases, of errors in diet, of catastrophes, of impoverishment.

The second way of escaping anxiety is to deny its existence. In fact, nothing is done about anxiety in such cases except denying it, that is, excluding it from consciousness. All that appears are the physical concomitants of fear or anxiety, such as shivering, sweating, accelerated heartbeat, choking sensations, frequent urge to urinate, diarrhoea, vomiting, and, in the mental sphere, a feeling of restlessness, of being rushed or paralyzed. We may have all these feelings and physical sensations when we are afraid and are aware of being so; they may also be the exclusive expression of an existing anxiety, which is suppressed. In the latter case all that the individual knows about his condition is such outward evidence as the fact that he has to urinate frequently in certain conditions, that he becomes nauseated on trains, that at times he has night-sweats, and always without any physical cause.

It is also possible, however, to make a conscious denial of anxiety, a conscious attempt to overcome it. This is akin to what happens on the normal level, when it is attempted to get rid of fear by recklessly disregarding it. The most familiar example on the normal level is the soldier who, driven by the impulse to overcome a fear, performs heroic deeds.

The neurotic, too, may make a conscious decision to overcome his anxiety. A girl, for example, who was tormented by anxiety until close to puberty, particularly concerning burglars, consciously decided to disregard the anxiety, to sleep alone in the attic, to walk alone in the empty house. The first dream she brought to analysis revealed several variations of this attitude. It contained several situations which in fact were frightening, but which each time she faced with bravery. In one of them, she heard footsteps in the garden at night, stepped out on the balcony and called "Who's there?" She succeeded in losing her fear of burglars, but as nothing was changed in the factors provoking her anxiety, other consequences of the still-existing anxiety remained. She continued to be withdrawn and timid; she felt unwanted and could not settle down to any constructive work.

Very often, there is no such conscious decision in neurotics. Frequently the process goes on automatically. The difference from the normal, however, does not lie in the degree of consciousness of the decision, but in the result attained. All that a neurotic can attain by "pulling himself together" is to lose a special manifestation of anxiety, as the girl lost her fear concerning burglars. I do not mean to undervaluate such a result. It may have a practical value and may also have a psychic value in strengthening self-esteem. But since such results are usually overestimated it is necessary to point out the negative side. Not only does the essential dynamics of the personality remain unchanged, but when the neurotic loses a conspicuous manifestation of his existing disturbances he loses at the same time a vital stimulus to tackle them.

The process of ruthlessly marching over an anxiety plays a great role in many neuroses and is not always recognized for what it is. The aggressiveness, for instance, which many neurotics display in certain situations is often taken as a direct expression of an actual hostility, while it may be primarily such a reckless marching over an existing timidity, under the pressure of feeling attacked. While some hostility is usually present, the neurotic may greatly overdo the aggression he really feels, his anxiety provoking him to overcome his timidity. If this is overlooked, there is danger of mistaking recklessness for veritable aggression.

The third way of finding release from anxiety is to narcotize it. This may be done consciously and literally by taking to alcohol or drugs. There are, however, many ways of doing it, without the connection being obvious. One of them is to plunge into social activities because of fear of being alone; it does not alter the situation whether this fear is recognized as such or appears only as a vague uneasiness. Another way of narcotizing anxiety is to drown it in work, a procedure to be recognized from the compulsive character of the work and from the uneasiness that appears on Sundays and holidays. The same end may be served by an inordinate need for sleep, although usually not much refreshment results from the sleep. Finally, sexual activities may serve as the safety valve through which anxiety can be released. It has long been known that compulsive masturbation may be provoked by anxiety, but the same holds true for all sorts of sexual relations. Persons for whom sexual activities serve predominantly as a means of allaying anxiety will become extremely restless and irritable if they have no chance for sexual satisfaction, if even for a short time.

The fourth way of escaping anxiety is the most radical: it consists in avoiding all situations, thoughts or feelings, which might arouse anxiety. This may be a conscious process, as when the person who fears diving or mountain climbing avoids doing these things. More accurately speaking, a person may be aware of the existence of anxiety and aware of avoiding it. He may also, however, be only dimly or not at all aware of having anxiety, and dimly or not at all aware of avoiding activities. He may, for instance, procrastinate in matters, which, without his knowledge, are connected with anxiety, such as making decisions, going to the doctor or writing a letter. On the other hand, he may "pretend," that is, subjectively believe that certain activities he contemplates - such as taking part in a discussion, giving orders to employees, separating himself from another person - are unimportant. Or he may "pretend" not to like doing certain things and discard them on that basis. Thus, a girl to whom going to parties involves fears of being neglected may avoid going altogether by making herself believe that she does not like social gatherings.

If we go one step farther, to the point where such avoidance operates automatically, we have the phenomenon of an inhibition. An inhibition consists in an inability to do, feel or think certain things, and its function is to avoid the anxiety, which would arise if the person attempted to do, feel or think those things. There is no anxiety present in awareness, and no capacity for overcoming the inhibition by conscious effort. Inhibitions are present in their most spectacular form in the hysterical losses of functioning: hysterical blindness, speechlessness or paralysis of a limb. In the sexual sphere frigidity and impotence represent such inhibitions, although the structure of these sexual inhibitions may be very complex. In the mental sphere, inhibitions in concentration, in forming or expressing opinions, in making contacts with people are well-known phenomena.

It might be worthwhile to spend several pages merely enumerating inhibitions, so as to convey a full impression of the variety of their forms and the frequency of their occurrence. I think, however, that I may leave it to the reader to review his own observations on that score, because inhibitions are nowadays a well-known phenomenon and easily recognizable, if they are fully developed. Nevertheless, it is desirable to consider briefly the preconditions that are necessary in order to become aware that inhibitions exist. Otherwise, we should underestimate their frequency because usually we are not aware of how many inhibitions we really have.

In the first place, we must be aware of the desire to do something in order to be aware of the inability to do it. For instance, we have to be aware of possessing ambitions before we can realize that we have inhibitions on that score. The question may be asked whether we do not always at least know what we want. Decidedly not. Let us consider, for example, a person listening to a paper and having critical thoughts about it. A minor inhibition would consist in a timidity about expressing the criticism; a stronger inhibition would prevent him from organizing his thoughts, with the result that they would occur to him only after the discussion was over, or the next morning. But the inhibition may go so far as not to permit the critical thoughts to come up at all, and in this case, assuming that he really feels critical, he will be inclined to accept blindly what has been said or even to admire it; and he will be quite unaware of having any inhibitions. In other words, if an inhibition goes so far as to check wishes or impulses there can be no awareness of its existence.

A second factor that may prevent awareness occurs when an inhibition has such an important function in a person's life that he prefers to insist that it is an unchangeable fact. If, for instance, there is an overpowering anxiety of some kind connected with any sort of competitive work, resulting in an intense fatigue after every attempt to work, the person may insist that he is not strong enough to do any work; that belief protects him, but if he admitted an inhibition he might have to return to work and thereby expose himself to the dreaded anxiety.

A third possibility brings us back to the cultural factors. It may be impossible ever to become aware of personal inhibitions if they coincide with culturally approved forms of inhibitions or with existing ideologies. A patient who had serious inhibitions against approaching women was not aware of being inhibited because he saw his conduct in the light of the accepted idea of the sacredness of women. An inhibition against making demands is easily put on the basis of the dogma that modesty is a virtue; an inhibition against critical thinking about dogmas dominant in politics or religion or any specific field of interest may escape attention, and we may be entirely unaware of the existence of an anxiety concerning exposure to punishment, criticism or isolation. In order to judge the situation, however, we must of course know the individual factors in great detail. The absence of critical thought does not necessarily imply the existence of inhibitions, but may be due to a general laziness of mind, to stupidity or to conviction that really coincides with the dominant dogma.

Any of these three factors may account for the inability to recognize existing inhibitions and for the fact that even experienced psychoanalysts may find it difficult to detect them. However, even assuming that we could recognize all of them, our estimate of the frequency of inhibitions would still be too low. We would have to take into account all those reactions, which, although not fully grown inhibitions, are on the way toward that culmination. In the attitudes I have in mind we are still able to do certain things, but the anxiety connected with them exerts certain influences on the activities themselves.

In the first place, undertaking an activity about which we feel anxiety produces a feeling of strain, fatigue or exhaustion. One patient of mine, for example, who was recovering from a fear of walking on the street but still had a good deal of anxiety on that score, felt completely exhausted when she took a walk on Sundays. That this exhaustion was not due to any physical weakness is shown by the fact that she could perform strenuous housework without the slightest fatigue. It was the anxiety bound up with walking outdoors that caused the exhaustion; the anxiety was diminished enough so that she could walk outdoors, but was still effective enough to exhaust her. Many difficulties commonly ascribed to overwork are in reality caused not by the work itself but by anxiety about the work or about relations with colleagues.

In the second place, anxiety connected with a certain activity will result in an impairment of that function. If there is, for example, an anxiety connected with giving orders, they will be given in an apologetic, ineffectual manner. Anxiety about riding a horse will result in an inability to master the animal. The degree of awareness varies. A person may be aware that anxiety prevents him from performing tasks in a satisfactory way, or he may only have the feeling that he is unable to do anything well.

Thirdly, anxiety connected with an activity will spoil the pleasure that it would otherwise hold. This is not true for minor anxieties; on the contrary, they may produce an added zest. Riding a roller-coaster with some apprehension may make it more thrilling, whereas doing it with strong anxiety will make it a torture. A strong anxiety connected with sexual relations will render them thoroughly unenjoyable, and if one is not aware of the anxiety one will have the feeling that sexual relations do not mean anything.

This last point may be confusing, because I have said above that a feeling of dislike may be used as a means of avoiding an anxiety, and now I am saying that the dislike may be a consequence of the anxiety. Actually, both statements are true. Dislike may be the means of avoiding and the consequence of having anxiety. This is one small example of the difficulty in understanding psychic phenomena. They are intricate and involved, and unless we make up our minds that we must consider innumerable, interwoven interactions, we shall make no progress in psychological knowledge.

The purpose of discussing how we may defend ourselves against anxiety is not to give an exhaustive picture of all possible defences. In fact, we shall soon learn more radical ways of preventing anxiety from arising. My main concern now is to substantiate the statement that one may have more anxiety than one is aware of, or may have anxiety without being aware of it at all and also to show some of the more common points where it may be looked for.

Thus, in short, anxiety may be hidden behind feelings of physical discomfort, such as heart-pounding and fatigue; it may be concealed by a number of fears that seem rational or warranted; it may be the hidden force driving us to drink or to submerge ourselves in all sorts of distractions. We shall often find it as the cause of inability to do or enjoy certain things, and we shall always discover it as the promoting factor behind inhibitions.

For reasons we shall discuss later, our culture generates a great deal of anxiety in the individuals living in it. Hence, practically everyone has built up one or another of the defences I have mentioned. The more neurotic a person is, the more is his personality pervaded and determined by such defences, and the greater the number of things he is unable to do or does not consider doing, although according to his vitality, mental capacities or educational background one would be justified in expecting him to do them. The more severe the neurosis, the more inhibitions are present, both subtle and gross.

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Present Indefinite Active - английское настоящее время: примеры, утвердительные, отрицательные и вопросительные предложения. Правила образования и употребления простого настоящего времени в английском языке или Present Simple
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Present Indefinite Active - английское настоящее время: примеры, утвердительные, отрицательные и вопросительные предложения. Правила образования и употребления простого настоящего времени в английском языке или Present Simple

Present Indefinite примеры упражнения exercises скачать бесплатно(Для прослушивания MP3 объекта вам необходим Flash плейер)

Мы будем разбирать самое простое и самое употребительное английское время - The Present Simple Active Tense или The Present Indefinite Active Tense - английское простое или неопределенное время настоящее время.

Что такое The Present Indefinite Active Tense или Present Simple Active? Present Indefinite Tense in English - когда использовать настоящее простое неопределенное время в английском языке?

Некоторые из вас, изучая ранее английские времена, пытались зазубрить их названия, правила образования предложений в различных временах в английском языке, типичные случаи их употребления. Естественно, при таком подходе вам приходилось выучивать колоссальное количество бессистемной информации, поэтому употребить эти времена правильно было практически невозможно.

На самом деле времена в английском языке - самая простая и логичная вещь, которую вообще не нужно учить, - достаточно понять принцип образования английских видовременных форм. Поняв всю систему времен в английском языке в целом (три времени - Past, Present, Future; аспект совершенности - Perfect и Imperfect и аспект продолженности - Continuous и Non-Continuous), вы сможете легко образовать любую нужную форму из готовых элементов-кирпичиков.

Сегодня мы изучаем самое простое время, которое передает общее действие (что делаю по жизни? что делаю регулярно?) - это время называется Present Simple Active или Present Indefinite Active. Мы не будем зубрить это название - мы постараемся понять, почему время называется, во-первых, настоящим, во-вторых, простым или неопределенным, а, в-третьих, действительным или активным.

Первое слово - Present - переводится на русский язык как настоящее время, присутствующий или имеющийся в наличии, текущий или современный, существующий в реальности, данный. То есть, если мы говорим о The Present Tense в английском языке, то это время в будет описывать либо текущие события (то есть события, происходящие в настоящем) либо события, которые вообще существуют в реальности, то есть имеющиеся в наличии, данные, но не привязанные непосредственно к настоящему моменту времени.

Таким образом, легко понять, что The Present Tense - это либо настоящее время (в отличие от прошедшего, описывающего события в прошлом, и будущего, передающего наши надежды и планы в отношении событий, которые наступят позже), либо же описание события, которое просто существует в реальности или имеется в наличии (при этом сам момент времени может не уточняться - действие в Present может происходить вообще и всегда).

Теперь давайте разбираться с названиями Simple или Indefinite. Simple - простое время, так его назвали американцы, любящие все простое и быстрое. Название Simple всего лишь обозначает, что простое время в английском языке легко образовывается - первая форма глагола ставится сразу после подлежащего - проще просто некуда.

А вот название Indefinite даст нам гораздо больше для понимания функций английского настоящего неопределенного времени. Слово Indefinite переводится как неопределенный, неясный или неограниченный. Таким образом, словосочетание Present Indefinite мы можем истолковать как настоящее неопределенное или настоящее неограниченное время в английском языке. То есть время действия глагола-сказуемого (глагола, идущего в первой форме сразу после подлежащего) в форме Present Indefinite не ограничено и точно не определено. То есть действие в Present Indefinite не ограничено каким-то определенным отрезком времени, действие происходит обычно, всегда, а не в определенные день, час или минуту, и не соотносится ни с каким другим действием, происходящим до него или после него.

Теперь давайте разбираться еще с одним словом в названии The Present Indefinite Active Tense - а именно словом Active. Слово Active переводится с английского языка как активный, деятельный или действующий. То есть подлежащее, стоящее перед глаголом-сказуемым в форме Active, активно, оно само выполняет действие этого сказуемого. То есть подлежащее является субъектом действия, оно само активно совершает действие - такое действие передается английским глаголом сказуемым в действительном залоге или в Active Voice.

Исходя из того, что я только что рассказал, Капитан Очевидность нам подсказывает, что Present - это время (в настоящем или вообще Бог знает когда), Indefinite - вид (сочетание аспектов непродолженности и несовершенности - ничего не происходит и ничего не произошло), Active - залог (действительный или активный залог английского сказуемого показывает, что подлежащее само совершает действие, а не является его объектом).

Случаи употребления Present Simple - present simple правила, упражнения и таблица. Простое настоящее время в английском - случаи употребления

Правила употребления настоящего простого или неопределенного времени в английском языке очень просты. Я нарисую Вам таблицу английского времени Present Simple, чтобы показать схемы утвердительного, вопросительного и отрицательного английских предложений в Present Indefinite. В пятой секции на моем сайте Вы найдете тысячи онлайн упражнений и тестов на английские времена, в том числе упражнения на Present Simple и Present Continuous (эти времена часто между собой путают).

Но прежде, чем говорить о правилах построения английских предложений в Present Simple или Present Indefinite, давайте разберемся, зачем это время вообще нужно. Настоящее неопределенное или простое время в английском языке является самым распространенным, так как используется для описания самой типичной ситуации - действия, относящегося к моменту в настоящем или вообще не относящееся ни к какому конкретному периоду вообще, и при этом не имеющее ни аспектов продолженности (в данный момент ничего не происходит) ни аспектов совершенности (ничего к настоящему моменту еще не произошло).

Когда нужно употреблять Present Simple в английском языке?

Общий принцип Present Indefinite понятен: событие, не привязанное к конкретному моменту времени в настоящем, действие, происходящее вообще, состояние, присущее по жизни. Для удобства запоминания я выделил десять основных случаев употребления Present Indefinite (презент индефинит в английском языке) или Present Simple (английское презент симпл):

  1. систематичность и регулярность действия; действие, которое происходит время от времени, или состояние, которое присуще подлежащему (лицу или предмету) вообще, а не только в конкретный момент речи;
  2. постоянные, обычные и повторяющиеся явления, привычные факты, известные законы природы, научные выводы, регулярные наблюдения;
  3. мы используем Present Indefinite при описании привычек, присущих человеку на протяжении всей жизни или длительного отрезка времени; способностей и образа жизни, профессии и профессиональных навыков, которые относятся к постоянным и систематическим, а не случайным явлениям;
  4. Present Simple употребляется, когда мы говорим о чувствах и эмоциях: любви, презрении, уважении, ненависти - то есть о тех чувствах и эмоциях, которые мы испытываем к людям или явлениям в течение долгого времени или на протяжении всей жизни;
  5. в бытовых замечаниях, то есть в простых фразах, которыми мы передаем мысли в быту, - эти фразы слишком кратки и просты, чтобы загромождать их более сложными формами английских времен;
  6. Present Indefinite может в некоторых случаях употребляться для описания действия, происходящего прямо в момент речи (вместо настоящего продолженного времени в английском языке - вместо Present Progressive / Present Continuous), если сказуемое в английском предложении выражено глаголами состояния, которые не могут употребляться в продолженных временах группы Continuous. Дело в том, что большое количество глаголов в английском языке, которые обозначают умственную деятельность, восприятие, переживания, чувства, отношение, принадлежность не могут употребляться в английских продолженных временах. Всего в английском языке имеется пять групп глаголов состояния: глаголы, описывающие умственную деятельность: to believe – полагать, верить, to forget – забывать, to know – знать, to doubt – сомневаться, to understand – понимать, to think – думать, to remember – помнить, to learn – изучать, to resemble – напоминать в смысле иметь сходство, to guess – предполагать или догадываться, to imagine – представлять себе или воображать, to mean – иметь определенное значение, to realize – осознавать, to recognize – узнавать в смысле вспоминать что-то, ранее виденное, to suppose – предполагать наугад, to decide – решать в смысле принимать решение (но не solve - решать проблему); глаголы, обозначающие ощущения и душевные переживания: to love – любить, to astonish – удивлять, поражать, to like – нравиться (места подлежащего и дополнения с глаголом like в предложении будут обратными по сравнению с русским языком), to dislike – не нравиться (управление аналогично like), to detest - ненавидеть, to prefer – предпочитать, to hate – ненавидеть, to adore – обожать, to wish – желать, to want – хотеть, to care – заботиться, беспокоиться, to deserve – заслуживать, to impress – впечатлять; глаголы восприятия или пяти чувств – эти глаголы употребляются с модальным глаголом can: to feel – ощущать температуру или прикосновение, to see – видеть, taste – чувствовать на вкус, to smell – чувствовать запах, to hear – слышать (но не listen - слушать), to touch – щупать или пробовать на ощупь; глаголы принадлежности, которые обозначают отношения собственности: to have – иметь в смысле эксплуатировать, to possess – владеть, to own – владеть, to lack – не иметь, to belong to somebody – принадлежать кому-либо, to owe – быть должным; другие глаголы: to be – быть, to cost – стоить в смысле обходиться в ежедневной эксплуатации, to need somebody/something – нуждаться в ком-либо/чем-либо, to contain – содержать (в значении содержать, имея внутри, а не в значении содержать любовницу, давая ей деньги), to depend on somebody/something – зависеть от кого-либо/чего-либо, to consist of something – состоять из чего-либо, to seem – казаться (в том числе в составе устойчивого оборота It seems to me, that... – Мне кажется, что...), to concern – относиться, to fit – подходить по размеру, to include – включать, to exclude – исключать, to involve – вовлекать, to matter – значить, иметь значение (например: Nothing else matters. – Больше ничто не имеет значения.), to appear – казаться (в том числе в составе устойчивого оборота It appears to me, that ... – У меня сложилось впечатление, что...), to measure – измерять, to sound – испытывать или измерять глубину, to weight – весить, to please – угождать, to satisfy – удовлетворять, to surprise – удивлять, to look – казаться, выглядеть (глагол look at в значении смотреть на не является глаголом состояния).
  7. Present Indefinite может использоваться для описания несложной цепи фактов, происходивших в прошлом, если Вы излагаете их в связном рассказе;
  8. при наличии английских наречий неопределенного времени, которые в предложении ставятся перед любым глаголом действия, но после глагола-связки to be, - always - всегда, constantly - постоянно, very often - очень часто, often - часто, regularly - регулярно, usually - обычно, sometimes - иногда, rarely - редко, very seldom - очень редко, hardly - почти никогда, крайне редко, never - никогда;
  9. для передачи действия, которое произойдет в будущем времени, вместо Future Indefinite в придаточных обстоятельственных предложениях времени и условия (в составе Zero Conditional и Conditional One) после союзов if - если, when - когда, after - после того, как, before - до того, как, as soon as - сказу, as long as - так долго, как, till - до того, как, until - вплоть до того, как, in case if - в случае,если, if only - только если, unless - если не, provided that - при условии, если, ;
  10. Present Indefinite выражает будущее действие вместо Future Indefinite с глаголами, используемыми для обозначения движения to leave - покидать, to start - выезжать, to sail - плыть на корабле, to return - возвращаться, to arrive - прибывать, to go - удаляться, to come - приближаться; в этом случае в предложении в английском языке присутствует обстоятельство времени, указывающее на будущее время.

Утвердительное предложение в английском языке примеры утвердительное предложения в Present Indefinite - упражнения, тест на времена, таблица:

Утвердительное предложение в английском языке в настоящем неопределенном или простом настоящем времени Present Simple строится по следующей схеме:

подлежащее + глагол-сказуемое в первой форме

Утвердительное предложение в английском языке может строится с глаголом действия или с глаголом-связкой. На первых занятиях английским языком онлайн я рассказал Вам, что глаголы в английском языке бывают двух видом - основные или смысловые глаголы, которые передают основной смысл действия в английском предложении, и вспомогательные глаголы, которые нужны для образования вопросительной, отрицательной и, в некоторых сложных временах, утвердительной формы английского предложения.

Вспомогательные глаголы в английском языке - это to be, to do, to have при построении отрицательных и вопросительных предложений, то есть в отрицаниях и вопросах эти глаголы не несут самостоятельной смысловой нагрузки и не выражают действия. Все остальные английские глаголы, за исключением перечисленных выше, мы называем смысловыми или основными глаголами - они передают действие, которое совершает подлежащее, или описывают состояние, свойственное этому подлежащему.

Давайте посмотрим примеры того, как носитель языка - американский путешественник Рик Стив - употребляет английские утвердительные предложения в Present Simple. Мы на примерах неадаптированных английских предложений определим, под какие случаи употребления Present Simple (из десяти перечисленных выше) они подпадают:

Many travellers to Europe master the rail system by learning from their own errors. - Многие путешественники в Европу осваивают железнодорожную систему, учась на собственных ошибках. - регулярность действия в этом предложении передает глагол-сказуемое master в первой форме - так как глагол в первой форме стоит сразу после подлежащего - это в Present Indefinite.

Rick almost always carries his rucksack on and heaves it up onto the rack above his seat. - Рик почти всегда проносит рюкзак в вагон и закидывает его на полку над своим сиденьем. - английское наречие неопределенного времени almost always - почти всегда, которое стоит на своем обычном месте - перед смысловым глаголом, указывает на Present Simple.

It takes the bullet train an hour and a half to arrive at Roma Termini. - Скоростному поезду требуется полтора часа, чтобы прибыть на вокзал Рим Термини. - здесь мы видим безличное предложение в английском языке (безличные предложения в строгом понимании этого слова отсутствуют в английском языке, поэтому вместо подлежащего мы подставляем "заглушку" в виде местоимения it); в это предложении Рик Стив также использовал простое или неопределенное настоящее время в английском языке, так как глагол-сказуемое указывает на систематичность и регулярность действия (поезду всегда требуется полтора часа, чтобы доехать до Рома Термини).

Еще раз хочу напомнит, что в английском языке есть слова-подсказки, которые по-умному называются наречиями неопределенного времени (указывают на интервалы времени, которые обозначены не жестко, а неопределенно), по которым можно "распознать" английское время Present Indefinite: always - всегда, constantly - постоянно, very often - очень часто, often - часто, regularly - регулярно, usually - обычно, sometimes - иногда, rarely - редко, very seldom - очень редко, hardly - почти никогда, крайне редко, never - никогда; также роль обстоятельств неопределенного времени (они, в отличие от наречий, ставятся в конце предложения) могут выполнять словосочетания every week - каждую неделю, once a month - раз в месяц, twice a year - дважды в год и целые придаточные обстоятельственные предложения every time I see you - каждый раз, как я вижу тебя и так далее.

Вопросы в английском языке, вопросы в английском языке в Present Simple упражнения. Как правильно задавать вопросы в английском языке?

Как задать вопрос в английском времени Present Simple? Вопросы в английском языке в Present Indefinite задаются очень просто - Вы просто ставите в начало предложения вспомогательный глагол do или does (если подлежащее стоит в форме третьего лица единственного числа) - и все! Вы получили английский общий вопрос, из которого можно сделать любой тип вопроса в английском языке: специальный вопрос к одному члену предложения, альтернативный вопрос, предполагающий возможность выбора и так далее...

do / does + подлежащее + инфинитив глагола без частицы to и без окончания -s

Do many travellers to Europe master the rail system by learning from their own mistakes? - Осваивают ли многие путешественники в Европу железнодорожную систему, учась на своих собственных ошибках? - если мы заменим в общем вопросе в английском языке любой член предложения вопросительным словом и поставив это вопросительное слов на самое первое место - перед do и перед подлежащим, то мы получим специальный вопрос:

How do many travellers to Europe master the rail system? - Каким образом многие путешественники в Европу осваивают железнодорожную систему? - заменив by learning from their own mistakes на вопросительное слово how, мы превращаем общий вопрос в специальный вопрос к обстоятельству образа действия. Заменяя любой другой член предложения вопросительным словом и ставя это вопросительное слово в начало предложения, мы получим английский специальный вопрос к любому члену предложения.

Отрицания в английском языке или отрицательное предложение в английском языке. Как образовать отрицание в английском времени Present Simple?

В русском языке в одном предложении может быть сколько угодно отрицаний: Никто ничего никому никогда не расскажет ни при каких обстоятельствах! - в этом русском отрицательном предложении отрицание сидит на отрицании и отрицанием погоняет. Мы привыкли в русском языке к тому, что можем в одном предложении одновременно использовать несколько отрицаний - это верно и грамматически и семантически.

В отрицательном предложении в английском языке может быть лишь одно отрицание. Именно поэтому у англичан существует три разных способа построить отрицание в английском предложении: во-первых, предложение можно перевести в отрицательную форму при помощи отрицательной частицы not, которую мы ставим после вспомогательного глагола do / does (don't / doesn't):

подлежащее + do / does + отрицательная частица not + инфинитив глагола без частицы to и без окончания -s

Rick Steves does not heave his rucksack up onto the rack above his seat. - Рик Стив не закидывает свой рюкзак на полку над своим сиденьем.

Во-вторых можно заменить английский вспомогательный глагол с отрицательной частицей do not / does not на отрицательное наречие never, которое мы поставим перед смысловым глаголом, но после глагола-связки to be:

подлежащее + never + личная форма глагола

- то есть, фактически, мы поставили never на то же место, где в первом варианте образования английских отрицаний мы ставили do not / does not.

Rick Steves never heaves his rucksack up onto the rack above his seat. - Рик Стив никогда не закидывает свой рюкзак на полку над своим сиденьем. - хочу обратить Ваше особое внимание на то, что в этом предложении глагол-сказуемое употребляется с окончанием третьего лица единственного числа -s, так как формально такое предложение в английском языке считается утвердительным, и вспомогательный глагол в нем отсутствует.

Если утвердительное предложение, которое послужило нам основой для образования отрицания, было построено с глаголом-связкой to be, то never ставится на то же место, куда бы мы поставили отрицательную частицу not (вспомогательный глагол в предложении с глаголом-связкой отсутствует по-любому):

The milk-run trains are never on time. - Тихоходные поезда никогда не прибывают вовремя.

В-третьих, английское предложение в отрицательную форму можно поставить путем отрицания прямого дополнения путем добавления отрицательного местоимения no. Эта схема построения отрицательного предложения в английском языке возможна только при наличии переходного глагола-сказуемого и прямого дополнения:

подлежащее + глагол-сказуемое в личной форме + no + прямое дополнение

It makes no sense to sit bored in your compartment. = It does not make any sense to sit bored in your compartment. = It never makes any sense to sit bored in your compartment. - Нет никакого смысла сидеть скучать в вашем купе.

Getting on the Right Track

Armed with a railpass, the independent traveller has Europe as a playground. Most will master the system simply by diving in and learning from their mistakes. To learn more quickly - from someone else's mistakes - here are a few tips.

Many cities have more than one train station. Paris has six, Brussels has three, and even Switzerland's little Interlaken has two. Be sure you know whether your train is leaving from Interlaken Ost (East) or Interlaken West, even if that means asking what might seem like a stupid question. It is a safe bet that a city's stations are connected by train, subway, or bus. When arriving in a city (especially on a milk-run train), you may stop at several suburban stations with signs indicating your destination's name and the name of the neighborhood (for instance Madrid Vallecas, Roma Ostiense, or Dresden Neustadt). Do not jump out until you have reached the central station (Madrid Chamartin, Roma Termini, or Dresden Hauptbahnhof) - ask fellow passengers or check your guidebook to find out which name to look for. You can also avoid arrival frustrations by confirming that your train stops at a city's main station rather than a suburban one. For instance, several trains to "Venice" leave you at Venice's suburban station (Venezia Mestre), where you will be stranded without a glimpse of a gondola. You will have to catch another train to reach the main Venezia Santa Lucia station, on the Grand Canal. On the other hand, it can be handy to hop out at a suburban station if it is closer to your hotel than the main station. Many trains headed for Barcelona's big Sants station also stop at the Placa de Catalunya subway station, which is near many recommended accommodations.

Some large stations have entirely separate sections for local trains and long-distance trains. It can take some time to find the part of the station your train leaves from. For example, Madrid's Atocha station is divided between two types of service: cercanias (local trains) and AVE (high-speed, long-distance trains). A Paris train station might have some tracks devoted to Grandes Lignes ("grand lines" to other cities), and others for Transilien (local milk-run trains to the surrounding Ile-de-France region). At the Frankfurt airport, regional trains depart from the Regionalbahnhof while long-distance trains use the Fernbahnhof. Even more confusing, some large stations also have vast sections devoted to subway trains or regional buses.

Ask for help and pay attention. Managing in the stations and on the trains is largely a matter of asking questions, letting people help you, and assuming things are logical. I always ask someone on the platform if the train is going where I think it is. (Point to the train or track and ask, "Roma?") Uniformed train personnel can answer any question you can communicate. Speak slowly, clearly, and with caveman simplicity. Be observant. If the loudspeaker comes on while you are waiting for your train at track seven, gauge by the reaction of those around you whether the announcement affects you. If, after the babble, everyone dashes over to track fifteen, assume your train is no longer arriving at track seven.

Scope out the train ahead of time. The configuration of many major trains is charted in little display cases on the platform next to where your train will arrive. As you wait, study the display to note where the first-class and sleeping cars are, whether there is a restaurant car, and which cars are going where. Some train schedules will say, in the fine print, "Munich-bound cars in the front, Vienna-bound cars in the rear." Knowing which cars you are eligible for can be especially handy if you will be competing with a mob for a seat. When expecting a real scramble, I stand on a bench at the far end of the track and study each car as the train rolls by, noting where the empty places are. First-class cars are marked with a "1" on the outside, second-class cars with a "2." If there are several departures within an hour and the first train looks hopeless, I will wait for the next.

Never assume the whole train is going where your car does. For long hauls, each car is labelled separately, because cars are usually added and dropped here and there along the journey. I will never forget one hot afternoon in the middle of Spain. My train stopped in the middle of nowhere. There was some mechanical rattling. Then the train pulled away leaving me alone in my car in La Mancha. Ten minutes later, another train came along, picked up my car, and I was on my way. To survive all this juggling easily, be sure that the city on your car's nameplate is your destination. The nameplate lists the final stop and some (but not all) of the stops in between.

Every car has plenty of room for luggage. In more than 30 years of travel, I have never checked in a bag. I simply carry it on and heave it up onto the rack above the seat. I have seen Turkish families moving all their worldly goods from Germany back to Turkey without checking in a thing. People complain about the porters in the European train stations. I think they are great - I have never used one. People with more luggage than they can carry deserve porters.

Luggage is never completely safe. There is a thief on every train (thieves' union regulations) planning to grab a bag (see Chapter 24: Traveller Beware: Theft, Scams, and Losing Your Stuff). Store your luggage within sight, rather than at the end of a train car. Before leaving my luggage in a compartment, I establish a relationship with everyone there. I am safe leaving it among mutual guards. On longer trips, I clip and fasten my rucksack to the luggage rack. If one tug does not take the bag, a thief will usually leave it rather than ask, "Scusi, how is your luggage attached?"

Many train travellers are ripped off while they sleep. A $32 couchette (reserved berth in a sleeping compartment is described under "How to Sleep on the Train," later) is safer because an attendant monitors who comes and goes. Those sleeping for free in regular cars should exercise extreme caution. Keep your valuables in a money belt or at least securely attached to your body. You will hear stories of entire train cars being gassed and robbed in Italy, Spain, and Eastern Europe. I think it is a myth - I would not lose sleep over it.

Women need to be careful on all overnight rides. Women should use discretion when choosing a compartment. Sleeping in an empty compartment in southern Europe is an open invitation to your own private Casanova. Choose a room with a European granny or nun in it. That way you will get a little peace, and Don Juan will not even try. A couchette (berth) is your best bet.

Breathe easy. While trains used to offer both smoking and non-smoking compartments, entirely smoke-free trains are now the standard in much of Europe. Smoking is not allowed on trains in Great Britain, Ireland, BeNeLux, France, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, Austria, Germany, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Poland. Smoking areas (clearly marked) are still offered on some trains in Denmark and most of Eastern Europe. Smoking is also restricted inside stations.

Use train time wisely. Train travellers, especially Eurailers, spend a lot of time on the train. This time can be dull and unproductive, or it can be an opportunity to get organized and make plans for your next destination. It makes no sense to sit bored on the train and then, upon arrival, sit in the station for an hour reading your information and deciding where to go for hotels and what to do next.

Spend train time constructively: studying, reading, writing post-cards or journal entries, eating, or organizing. Talk to local people or other travellers. There is so much to be learned. Europeans are often less open and forward than Americans. You could sit across from a silent but fascinating and friendly European for an entire train ride, or you could break the ice by asking a question, quietly offering some candy, or showing your Hometown, USA, postcards. This can start the conversation flowing and the friendship growing.

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